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Should the U.S. Census stop collecting racial and ethnic data? The 2000 census asked Americans to identify themselves according to 126 possible racial and ethnic categories, up from just 5 categories in 1990. Movements are now afoot to add even more racial categories to the 2010 census. Does the collection of all these data stand in the way of the creation of a truly color-blind society? Should we drop questions of race from the census and other government forms? Or are these data critical tools in the ongoing fight to end inequality and discrimination?
Guests:
Ward Connerly Ward Connerly is a former regent of the University of California and the founder and chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. He is the author most recently of Lessons from my Uncle James: Beyond Skin Color to the Content of Our Character.
Ramona E. Douglass Member, Decennial Census Advisory Committee; Director of Media and Public Relations, Association of MultiEthnic Americans.
Transcript:
Peter Robinson: Today on Uncommon Knowledge, is it time to take race out of the
box?
Announcer: Funding for this program is provided by the John M. Olin
Foundation and the Starr Foundation.
[Music]
Peter Robinson: Welcome to Uncommon Knowledge. I'm Peter Robinson. Our
show today, the United States Census and race. In 1990, the
census asked Americans to identify themselves according to five
racial categories. In the year 2000, the census asked us to identify
ourselves according to one hundred and twenty-six categories.
Here's a sample census form. Is Person Number One Asian,
Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, other
Asian, on and on and on? Is the collection of all this data
hindering us from creating a truly equitable, a truly color blind
society or is the collection of all this data crucial to the continuing
fight against discrimination.
Joining us today, two guests. Ramona Douglass is a member of
the Census Advisory Committee. Ward Connerly is President of
the American Civil Rights Coalition.
Title: Census and Sensibility
Peter Robinson: In the 2000 census Americans were asked to identify themselves
by race and ethnicity. The census form permitted us Americans to
check boxes indicating membership in one of six single races,
fifteen possible combinations of two races, twenty combinations
of three, fifteen of four, six of five and one grand mix that read as
follows: "white, black, Asian, American Indian or Alaska native,
native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander or some other race." That
gave Americans a total number of choices of a hundred and
twenty-six from which to choose. Is that too many, not enough or
just about right? Ramona?
Ramona E. Douglass: It varies.
Peter Robinson: Well, let's put it this way. For the 2010 census, would you like to
see more categories?
Ramona E. Douglass: I would like to see the point that we wouldn't need to have racial
categories at all.
Peter Robinson: Zero categories.
Ramona E. Douglass: I would like to see that happen.
Peter Robinson: Hmmm, that sounds like a qualified answer. Ward?
Ward Connerly: I agree with her. I think that we need to reach the point where the
census doesn't even ask you about race.
Peter Robinson: All right. Now let's begin with an obvious but very tricky
question. What is race in the first place? You have written, Ward
Connerly, I'm quoting you, that "Race is a social construct
conjured up by politicians and social activists." Explain yourself.
Ward Connerly: It's a pretty good quote.
Peter Robinson: Nicely written. Explain yourself.
Ward Connerly: Contrary to what most of us seem to believe, race is not some
biological thing. I spent a long time last week meeting with some
anthropologists and geneticists and they laugh at the notion that
there is a black race and a white race and all of that. This is a
political phenomenon essentially that's been used to divide
people, to segregate people and to engage in all other kinds of
societal mischief. And I think that the more people are aware of
the fact that this purity of races is kind of like the Nuremberg laws
and is something that America should get away from.
Peter Robinson: But you don't mean to suggest that it's entirely a social construct.
Say if we know sickle cell anemia, the incidence is higher among
African Americans. So there's a biological basis of some kind of
race.
Ward Connerly: I'm not so sure about that.
Ramona E. Douglass: Peter, that's a misnomer.
Ward Connerly: Yeah.
Peter Robinson: That's incorrect as well?
Ramona E. Douglass: Exactly. You can be Italian. You can be Greek. You can be any
Mediterranean; you can be Sephardic Jewish and have the
possibility of sickle cell anemia.
Peter Robinson: Okay. So it's linked to a very large region, a very large genetic
pool that crosses over what we would typically think of as races.
Okay. Now you're going to accept that though that race is a
purely social and political construct?
Ramona E. Douglass: It's the conversation that we have in the public domain that it's a
social construct. But there are some medical bases for
distinguishing racial and ethnic differences.
Peter Robinson: Well okay. Now we're beginning to come to the point because
medical stuff is biological.
Ramona E. Douglass: Correct.
Peter Robinson: I mean, you're talking about a biological basis actually. Now you
are on the Census…
Ramona E. Douglass: The Decennial Census Advisory Committee in Washington.
Peter Robinson: Okay. And so you had something to do with those a hundred and
twenty-six combinations that we were all asked to choose from.
Ramona E. Douglass: The Association of Multi Ethnic Americans is the organization
that I represented. And if we had had our way, I don't know if we
would have had that many combinations but the reality was we
felt that the categories that were available were not representing
the face of America today.
Peter Robinson: And the categories that were available back in 1990, the last
census, were six as I recall, just six racial choices? And you
prefer a hundred and twenty-six?
Ramona E. Douglass: I would prefer that to a continuum of saying you fit in one box or
more. The way you phrased the question doesn't quite get to the
point.
Peter Robinson: All right. Go ahead. Rephrase it for me. I'm happy to have you
do that.
Ramona E. Douglass: The question should be is there anybody in America that fits into
one racial category or are we becoming such a blend as a nation
that one race and saying just check one box is sufficient to
distinguish who we are?
Peter Robinson: Okay. So let me frame it up this way. You just nodded when she
said something a moment ago, which is I thought I caught you
nodding when she said she preferred a hundred and twenty-six
categories to just six. You're with that? Because it captures
greater diversity?
Ward Connerly: I'm with that but only for probably Machiavellian reasons and that
is to show the idiocy of the classifications altogether. If as you
can do in Milwaukee which is to change your race three times a
year for purposes of going to school, and if we're going to have a
hundred and twenty-six, then all of that just serves to dismantle
the concept of race.
Peter Robinson: Okay. Now you both said at the beginning, I'm trying awfully
hard--this argument so far is proving surprisingly slippery to
me--I'm trying awfully hard to tee up the differences between
you. You both said you want to get to the point where there's no
question--nobody cares about race. You would have liked to get
to that point this time around.
Ward Connerly: With the last census.
Peter Robinson: Just eliminate all those categories altogether.
Ward Connerly: Yeah, do away with them altogether.
Peter Robinson: It's no business of the government to be collecting that kind of
data…
Ward Connerly: That's right.
Peter Robinson: …any more than it's the business of the government to be
collecting data on height or ability in tennis or swimming or…
Ward Connerly: Religion, political affiliation…
Peter Robinson: …any of that?
Ward Connerly: …sexual orientation.
Peter Robinson: Okay, but you say we've got to have them at least for now?
Ramona E. Douglass: I believe in a utopia, in a society in which there weren't any
reasons why we distinguish race in the first place, that would be
ideal and I agree with Ward that I would like to get to the point
where that's the case. But there are issues in America today that
make that unrealistic and actually play into the hands of the very
people who discriminate.
Peter Robinson: Okay, now…
Peter Robinson: Just what motivates the collection of racial data on the census in
the first place?
Title: Don't Box Me In
Peter Robinson: Now let me quote, we were just talking about anthropologists,
here the anthropologist, Sherwood Washburn, "Since races are
open systems," he's talking as an anthropologist, "the number of
races will depend on the purpose of the classification. I think we
should require people who propose a classification of races," I am
looking at one, "to state in the first place why they wish to divide
the human species." Why do you want those boxes on the census
form? What good do they do?
Ramona E. Douglass: As I stated, I don't want any of it ultimately.
Peter Robinson: Yes I know but you said in a utopia. Right now you want…
Ramona E. Douglass: Right but right now in America today there are issues involving
medical concerns that contrary to Ward's belief that we don't
need it, in fact, we are misdiagnosing a large number of people,
not just multi racial people, which is the community that I
represent, but African Americans and other people who look like a
particular race. But in reality they have ethnic mixtures or racial
blends that represent various diseases that are not being diagnosed
properly.
Peter Robinson: Okay now I tried to open with an example of that, with sickle cell
anemia and you were the one who shot that down. Give me some
examples of…
Ramona E. Douglass: Tay-Sach's Syndrome. It's a recessive…
Peter Robinson: It's race specific? It correlates with those hundred and twenty-six
boxes?
Ramona E. Douglass: It correlates with somebody of Sephardic Jewish or Jewish origin
and if you have a mixed race child whose mother has Tay-Sach
recessive and you assume when you look at that child it's simply
black, then you're not even going to test for something that could
affect their life or the life of future generations.
Peter Robinson: What do you make of that argument? Medical reasons? Let me
tell you that the American Medical Association was one of the
organizations that endorsed those one hundred and twenty-six
boxes on the 2000 census. You have doctors saying forgive us
Mr. Connerly but this is a public health issue, we need the
information.
Ward Connerly: Well I think this was a compromise. I think it was a political
compromise, fashioned between the racialists on the one hand, the
NAACP, and others that want to preserve forever…
Peter Robinson: Stop action. You've got to explain what you mean by calling the
NAACP…
Ward Connerly: National Association for the Advancement of Colored People…
Peter Robinson: And you called them Racialists?
Ward Connerly: Racialists.
Peter Robinson: Okay, explain that.
Ward Connerly: Those are people that believe in the concept of race. They believe
that there are effectively biological races, pure races. They will
never give up that view. I've just become a pessimist in that
regard. They will never give up that view. For them…
Peter Robinson: Can I just ask why you're using the word racialist to distinguish it
from racist, racialists at least mean well, is that the idea of using
that term?
Ward Connerly: Sometimes they do. I think that they're not insisting on the
system of race to necessarily harm people but they're insisting on
the concept of race as a means of classification. And they believe
in the concept of race.
Peter Robinson: That's ridiculous.
Ward Connerly: I think it's ridiculous.
Peter Robinson: But what about this medical question though?
Ward Connerly: I'm willing to concede that…
Peter Robinson: There may be something to it?
Ward Connerly: I'm willing to concede that the jury is out on whether there is a
biological justification for all of this or not. I'm willing to
concede that.
Peter Robinson: Okay.
Ward Connerly: That still doesn't explain why government agencies, the
University of California, the State of California, the City of Palo
Alto, needs that information and that is precisely why the
initiative I have proposed for the State of California, the Racial
Privacy Initiative, has an exemption for medical research and
medical treatment. But everything else…
Peter Robinson: Go ahead and explain your initiative.
Ward Connerly: The initiative says that the state, small "s", meaning the Mosquito
Abatement District, the State of California, the University of
California…
Peter Robinson: What we think of as government entities?
Ward Connerly: What you think of as government…
Peter Robinson: Right.
Ward Connerly: …shall not classify and sort its citizens on the basis of race, color,
ethnicity, or national origin.
Peter Robinson: What do you make of that?
Ramona E. Douglass: My concern and I know that the intention is positive but do you
believe that there is discrimination still in the United States based
on race and ethnicity?
Ward Connerly: Ramona, I certainly believe there is. It's practiced by whites, it's
practiced by blacks, it's practiced by Asians, it's practiced by
everyone.
Ramona E. Douglass: Okay.
Ward Connerly: In the State of California, it is against the constitution to
discriminate or give preferential treatment. We also exempt, by
the way, the State Department of Fair Employment and
Housing…
Peter Robinson: In your ballot initiative?
Ward Connerly: In this initiative. …which allows all claims for discrimination to
still be filed. If we waited until all discrimination has ended in
this nation, we will never get to the point where you and I, I think,
really want to be and that's to get the government out of the race
classification business. So we have to start someplace.
Ramona E. Douglass: Well I wanted to have a clarification on the issues of
discrimination because our biggest concern, my organization, the
Association of Multi Ethnic Americans is that in conjunction with
other groups, in collaboration with organizations that are looking
to have discrimination end, we want to see a society that becomes
raceless. But right now we're not there. And there are issues that
need to be addressed.
Peter Robinson: Okay. Again different…
Peter Robinson: All right. Let's explore how or whether the ethnic data collected
by the census can help address the problem of discrimination.
Title: Running the Numbers
Peter Robinson: You've conceded there may be medical reasons--the data may be
of some use, maybe...
Ward Connerly: I'm conceding that the scientists are not…
Peter Robinson: There's no clear consensus on it?
Ward Connerly: There's no clear consensus on it.
Peter Robinson: Okay. But you concede maybe. Nevertheless, you say whatever
use that data may be put to, it still does more harm than good for
the government of the United States to be in the business of
classifying people according to race and ethnicity. Right?
Ward Connerly: Absolutely.
Peter Robinson: Okay. Now do you also then say, we've just heard you grant, of
course, that there is still discrimination based on skin color, race
ethnicity, in the country and do you grant that the gathering of this
data is useful in combating that discrimination or would you argue
that it's useless? I mean you're making an exemption for one
state agency here.
Ward Connerly: I think it may have some use but often it is also very misleading to
say that there are X number of these working for this department
and not enough of those does not mean that there's discrimination.
Peter Robinson: Okay so suppose I'm--say the Voting Rights Act of 1965, now
we know that the Justice Department, one way they monitor
compliance with the Voting Rights Act is they know where there
are large populations of minorities, of course, they look at African
American populations in the South and they'll take--they'll look
at polling data and so forth and see if those large populations are
voting in some relationship to the population. You take away
their ability to know where there are large minority populations
and you undermine their ability to enforce the Voting Rights Act
of 1965. Wouldn't that be terrible?
Ward Connerly: I think you can accomplish the same objective by looking at
neighborhoods. You can look at census tracks to see what the
voting patterns are in those census tracks, not necessarily on the
basis of race. Is this neighborhood, are people voting in this
neighborhood? Is that neighborhood being shut out? You can
accomplish the same objective.
Peter Robinson: Very nice. You got to that corner before I did. Okay. That
sounds--all right.
Ramona E. Douglass: It sounds good but let's say you're dealing with multi racial
people because that's the area that I'm concerned about and there
is an assumption being made in America that all minorities or a
particular minority votes the same way. So I don't know if we
agree on this or disagree on this but when it comes to voting rights
and determining whether or not a particular voting block is being
acknowledged, we've been invisible for a long, long time. We
weren't even allowed to be called mixed race or multi racial. And
my question is why would I want to give up the right to first be
acknowledged when we haven't been acknowledged. I think that
not just the government is identifying people racially but we as
individuals are.
Ward Connerly: The thing that I really fear is that the way Ramona wants to go
maybe and that's to use a transitional stage here of giving "multi
racial or multi ethnic people" their place in the sun and then we'll
move on, we could end up getting a hundred and twenty-six
categories of multi racial, multi ethnic people because everyone
within that is not the same. They're going to be Asian and white,
they're going to be black and Asian, they're going to be Latino
and they're going to be all these different…
Peter Robinson: Okay so…
Ramona E. Douglass: But the difference is is there's statistical limit on what they will
use and if it's under a certain percentage, then it's all lumped
together as one or more races. There is a limit and they've
already established what that limit is.
Peter Robinson: Ward, here's what I think…
Peter Robinson: Let me try just one more time. When the government collects
racial and ethnic data, just what good or harm is it doing?
Title: Marks of Distinction
Peter Robinson: You could say that this blossoming of racial categories from a
hundred and twenty-six in this census to who knows how many
next census, it's just silly. It'll collapse of its own weight. But
that isn't good enough for you because you believe, I think, that
racial distinctions are in and of themselves invidious.
Ward Connerly: Yes.
Peter Robinson: They're wrong. There's a moral argument there. Is that right?
Ward Connerly: They're divisive. As I listen to what Ramona is saying, I become
terrified almost because now we're creating a whole new group
that will insist on the same kind of protections as the six groups
that we've blossomed into sixty-three into a hundred and twenty-six.
Ramona E. Douglass: Excuse me. You're not creating anything. We exist.
Ward Connerly: I know that.
Ramona E. Douglass: No, no, but what I'm saying is to make it clear multi racial people
have existed. We've had the right to only check one box in the
past, which didn't identify the communities that are growing up.
Peter Robinson: What does it do for you to check a box?
Ramona E. Douglass: What it does it's one when you're dealing with schools and school
needs, if you're not able to distinguish what a school needs in
terms of its diversity, in terms of books on curricula, etc., you're
not distinguishing what those communities represent, then there're
going to be dollars that are not going to be showing up in those
communities or courses that won't be showing up in those
communities.
Peter Robinson: Okay. I mean I can understand the statement, look the federal
government has gone a long way down this road and a lot of
federal dollars are tied to questions of race and ethnicity…
Ramona E. Douglass: Yes, they are.
Peter Robinson: …and as long as they're giving it out that way, I want to sign up
and be recognized. I can understand that argument but I think
Ward's argument--just shut me up at some point if you'd like to,
if I'm misstating this, all right--I think Ward's argument is the
federal government shouldn't be allocating dollars like that in the
first place. Would you go for that? Do you feel the urge to just
wipe these things away and make sure that the federal government
doesn't allocate dollars that way?
Ramona E. Douglass: I would like to know how would we have social and economic
justice in this country if we suddenly said race doesn't matter. If
the people who were in power acted as if race didn't matter then I
would say, absolutely. I've got better things to do with my time.
I don't spend my day worrying about what box I've checked.
Peter Robinson: Okay, so your point then, I guess, is that this society is such that
without a number of protections, people of clear minority races
but also multi racial people are going to be in for discrimination,
prejud--if you give up…
Ramona E. Douglass: Overlooked.
Peter Robinson: Overlooked.
Ramona E. Douglass: They don't even have to be active.
Peter Robinson: And that's the kind of society we're in. I mean it sounds to me as
though you were talking about being fearful a moment ago.
Ramona is fearful of…
Ramona E. Douglass: I'm more terrified.
Peter Robinson: …the other way around. So how do you answer that?
Ward Connerly: Well there's one thing I don't quite understand in Ramona's
scheme of things here. Are you saying that we should have one
category, multi ethnic category?
Ramona E. Douglass: No, we have people who checked more than one box. There were
some in our community that wanted one category called multi
racial but without being able to distinguish what that is, that's no
better than another.
Ward Connerly: So you're saying that we would have, in effect, a composite of
many different multi ethnic…
Ramona E. Douglass: We have that now. That's what the 2000 census allowed.
Ward Connerly: Okay so now how do we aggregate that information into useful
patterns? Is a light-skinned, straight-haired…
Ramona E. Douglass: They don't do that.
Ward Connerly: You're saying that there's relevance to the data.
Ramona E. Douglass: Yes.
Ward Connerly: How do we aggregate that data so that it has usefulness?
Ramona E. Douglass: Well there are four main check one or more boxes that have been
found in this last census. Without having the information in front
of me, white and American Indian is one, white and Asian is one,
white and black is one and then there's one other. Those are the
four largest areas.
Peter Robinson: I can actually answer Ward's question.
Ramona E. Douglass: Yes.
Peter Robinson: I think I can answer Ward's question. Under rules promulgated
by the Clinton Administration for the purposes of set-aside
programs and all the other various forms of federal programs that
are allocated on the basis of race and ethnicity, people who check
more than one kind of box are for those purposes, in effect,
counted as a member of the least privileged of all those boxes.
Ward Connerly: The one-drop rule basically.
Peter Robinson: You've got it. So that's my point that the old racist system, the
old one-drop rule whereby if a person had one drop of black blood
in his veins, he was considered black or African American. And
now under this system that you favor, we have the Government of
the United States promulgating, in effect, a one-drop rule.
Ramona E. Douglass: And we have fought that. When we said yes to check more than
one box, behind the scenes to be quite honest with you, there were
groups of minority Civil Rights workers who were terribly,
terribly concerned that we would, in effect, dilute their numbers or
their ability to have the government work for them. We in the
Association of Multi Ethnic Americans, we simply wanted the
ability to distinguish who we were for medical issues and for
school issues for the right for every parent to define their child.
Now the government got pressure politically from some of the
traditional racial organizations saying, uh uh, you've got to protect
us better than this. We need this, this and this. It is politics where
that's concerned.
Peter Robinson: Let me read you a little…
Peter Robinson: Of course, Ward Connerly hasn't been the only one to speak out
against distinctions based on race, just listen to a few of these
quotations.
Title: American Dreamers
Peter Robinson: Chief Justice John Marshall Harlan, 1896, "Our Constitution is
color blind." Thurgood Marshall arguing a case on behalf of the
NAACP in 1949, "Classifications and distinctions based on race
or color have no moral or legal validity in our society." Not
someday but now have no moral or legal validity in our society.
Last one, President John F. Kennedy in 1963, "Race has no place
in American life or law." John Marshall Harlan, Thurgood
Marshall, John F. Kennedy, they're all mistaken. Is that your
position?
Ramona E. Douglass: I think if you simplify…
Peter Robinson: They're either wrong or they're utopian.
Ramona E. Douglass: I think that they're utopian.
Peter Robinson: But these guys are practical--Chief Justice, Thurgood Marshall,
John Kennedy is a practical politician.
Ramona E. Douglass: They're human beings and as human beings, they are flawed in
the sense that that's a great concept. Show me in reality today.
I'm a practical person. I'm a grass roots advocate.
Peter Robinson: Thurgood Marshall and John Kennedy were dreamers and
romantics on this matter?
Ward Connerly: No, they were people who were very much involved in trying to
lead this nation from a situation in which black people were
oppressed, ignored, ill treated and they were saying we have to get
rid of this. We have to get rid of this system of division and we
have to take race out of the equation. They were right and we're
never going to get to the reality that they saw as long as we accept
the notion that race has relevance. We're just not going to get
there.
Peter Robinson: Ward, as we've heard these racial statistics are used for a host of
purposes enforcing Civil Rights legislation, federal funding
decisions, congressional redistricting, on and on. But the purpose
that probably affects most Americans most directly is affirmative
action.
Ward Connerly: Yes.
Peter Robinson: And the argument would be you a well-known opponent of
affirmative action don't want any racial classifications at all to
bring affirmative action to a grinding halt.
Ward Connerly: I want to bring preferences to a grinding halt right now. Yes.
Peter Robinson: Period. You plead guilty.
Ward Connerly: Yes, yes. I plead guilty of that. Yeah. I want to end preferences
on the basis of race. I want to end the presumption that all black
people are somehow disadvantaged and that their futures are
contingent upon what other good people will give them. Yes, I
plead guilty to that.
Peter Robinson: Ramona?
Ramona E. Douglass: I think that's a slippery slope. I don't necessarily disagree that it
is assumption of infan--making a race infantile by assuming that
the only way a black person or a minority person can get ahead is
to have preferential treatment but I think affirmative action is not
just "preferential treatment." There's a distinction between
preferential treatment and quotas and allowing people, not just
blacks and other minorities but women to have a possibility of
getting a job that normally they wouldn't have an opening for or
they would be overlooked.
Peter Robinson: It's television alas so we have to bring it to a close. We know
Ward's position. He wants to abolish these racial distinctions
right now. You have said sometime in the future, my question is
do you see things--and then you've used the word utopia. The
question is ten years from now, twenty-five years from now, fifty
years from now, do you see in prospect an America in which you
yourself would be quite happy to eliminate all racial categories?
Ramona E. Douglass: Absolutely.
Peter Robinson: How soon?
Ramona E. Douglass: I don't think you can put a crystal ball--it depends on our
society, how our society treats minorities, women and other…
Peter Robinson: But you think it's moving in that direction?
Ramona E. Douglass: I think sometimes and other times I see what we do with racial
profiling that we're worse off than we were.
Peter Robinson: You see what I'm trying to get is a question of practical politics
here. Is it purely a theoretical possibility, something you'd like to
see happen or do you think it will happen say in your lifetime?
Ramona E. Douglass: Honestly, I don't think it'll happen in my life.
Peter Robinson: Okay, final question. In 2000, we were all asked to describe
ourselves according to a hundred and twenty-six combinations of
race and ethnicity. Next census, 2010, how many boxes--we
know you think there should be none but you're a practical
politician too, how many boxes do you think there will be by
then?
Ward Connerly: Hundred and twenty-six.
Peter Robinson: Just--it's going to stay that--you think so too?
Ramona E. Douglass: Pretty much.
Peter Robinson: Okay. Ramona, Ward, thank you very much.
Ward Connerly: Thank you.
Ramona E. Douglass: Thank you.
Peter Robinson: I'm Peter Robinson for Uncommon Knowledge. Thanks for
joining us.
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