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FOREIGN POLICY: The Foreign Service Blues
By Cecile Shea
Those who serve America abroad are being asked to do more and more with less and
less, but our diplomatic corps is doing just that as it performs new duties in
Baghdad and the world. By Cecile Shea.
The Foreign Service—the 6,500 officers and 5,000 support staff who make up the State Department’s diplomatic corps—has changed dramatically since the 1990s, shedding much of its insular culture,
broadening its workforce, and adapting to the rapid changes of the post
–Cold War world. Unfortunately, many of our critics haven’t noticed these changes because one of the service’s greatest weaknesses—an inability to communicate effectively with the people whose taxes pay our
salaries
—remains as woeful as ever. This weakness hit home this past fall and winter when
the press suggested that the Foreign Service was somehow failing to meet its
obligations in Baghdad.
The truth was the direct opposite, but the story, once misrepresented by some
news organizations and bloggers, took on a life of its own. The Foreign Service
does have a personnel crisis, but it has nothing to do with any reluctance to
support the U.S. mission in Iraq.
It helps to understand the Foreign Service assignments process, which will be
familiar to anyone who ever served as a midlevel or higher military officer.
Each summer, members receive a list of positions for which they are at the
proper grade and have the requisite skills. Each officer scheduled to transfer
within twelve months submits a list of his or her preferred jobs. A shell game
ensues, with officers lobbying for their top picks and supervisors checking
candidates
’ references and reputations and informing human resources of their preferences.
Assuming the number of candidates matches the number of open positions,
eventually all the jobs are filled, a process aided by financial incentives
designed to encourage people to serve in remote, unhealthful, or dangerous
places.
The jobs-to-candidates steady state requires that hiring keep up with the sum of
attrition and new billets; since the 1990s hiring has fallen far behind because
of budget constraints. During this period, the breakup of the Soviet Union and
disintegration of the Warsaw bloc led to the opening of dozens of new embassies
and consulates, most of them staffed by robbing Peter to pay Paul. The 1998
attacks on our embassies in Kenya and Tanzania and the 9/11 attacks created a
need for hundreds of new security, facilities, and management officers, while
new visa requirements greatly expanded our need for consular employees.
A November 2007 independent study by the Center for Strategic and International
Studies (CSIS) notes that
“America’s capacity for ‘soft power’—winning friends through diplomacy and without coercion—is small compared to its capacity to wage war.” CSIS recommended that the Foreign Service add 1,000 positions as soon as
possible and noted that by the State Department
’s calculations, the Foreign Service was short at least 2,094 employees to fill
open positions and training billets. In other words, the service needed to grow
by 20 percent just to fill vacancies. Other independent studies recommended
that the Foreign Service double in size to meet new needs in the Muslim world
and to provide employees adequate time for training, especially in key
languages like Arabic.
FILLING CRITICAL POSITIONS
Despite our deepening personnel crisis, the Foreign Service rank and file—both our representative bargaining organization and our senior officers—have supported management’s commitment to ensure that 100 percent of the positions in Iraq and Afghanistan
are filled.
By autumn 2007, 10 percent of all Foreign Service personnel had already served a
tour in Iraq. Additionally, at least 10 percent of the service had been
deployed each year to a
“danger pay” post—similar to a combat-pay posting for the military. Despite the toll that such
tours were taking on employees
’ families, 200 Foreign Service members had volunteered by October 2007 for the
250 positions that would open in Iraq in the summer of 2008. The deadline for
submitting bidding preferences had not passed, though the special
“early season” for people interested in bidding on Iraq had closed. All in all, it seemed to
many of us in the service that with more than six months to go, the State
Department was well on its way to meeting its goal of filling 100 percent of
the positions in Iraq without having to resort to
“directed assignments”: filling positions with nonvolunteers.
One study notes that America’s ability to win friends through diplomacy “is
small, compared to its capacity to wage war,” and that it is urgent for the Foreign Service to grow.
Then, in October, the director general of the Foreign Service—the equivalent of the service’s human resources director—held a conference call with reporters to update them on progress in filling the
most difficult positions. The media chose to highlight the director general
’s decision to inform a few hundred officers that if not enough volunteers came
forward, the designated officers might be told to report to Iraq. Such an early
warning was meant to give the officers an opportunity to inform the service of
any health or family issues that would affect their ability to serve in Iraq.
Sadly, the State Department’s success in filling all its positions in Iraq with volunteers never received
the attention of the original misleading story.
When the last of the 250 billets were filled with volunteers just a few weeks
after the original reporting, few news organizations covered the good news. The
same news organizations failed to note that directed assignments such as those
broached for Iraq were not new. In recent years the department had regularly
created lists of potential
“designees” for posts in countries such as Pakistan, where I served in 2006–07 and where the Foreign Service’s personnel shortages hit particularly hard.
A UNIQUE JOB WITH UNIQUE CHALLENGES
The Foreign Service is a small organization with a long list of obligations. Its
6,500 generalist officers are divided among 260 overseas posts and Washington.
About two-thirds currently serve outside the United States, from sub-Saharan
Africa to deep inside China; from Latin America to Vladivostok. Officers
’ responsibilities include interviewing more than 8 million visa applicants (in
fiscal year 2007); adjudicating thousands of claims of U.S. citizenship;
keeping the generators running at our embassies and roofs over the heads of our
colleagues; strengthening the security of Americans and American business
overseas; negotiating civil aviation agreements and decreased trade barriers;
encouraging democracy; monitoring human rights records; and fostering
cooperation in the United Nations and other organizations.
The State Department’s success in filling all its positions in Iraq with
volunteers never received the attention of the original misleading story.
Very little of this work takes place in London or Paris. Most of my colleagues
have served at least one year in a danger-pay locale. Some are on their second
or third rotations in such areas. There are a few officers who still have not
stepped forward to do their fair share in difficult and dangerous places, but,
to put it bluntly, their careers are over. These days, if you expect to be
promoted, you have to spend time in some pretty tough situations.
A few months after the Iraq staffing story appeared, the press offered another
claim of low morale in the Foreign Service and supposed unhappiness with Iraq
war policy. I remain angry over the way the reporting of this story has been
used by many to impugn my patriotism and that of my colleagues.
It began with a fall 2007 survey conducted by the American Foreign Service
Association (AFSA), which is both the professional association and the
collective bargaining body for the Foreign Service. AFSA differs from most
unions in many respects, including that most of its leaders come from senior
management and return to management after their terms expire. AFSA tends to be
a collegial, rather than adversarial, organization.
Almost 4,300 members completed AFSA’s electronic questionnaire—a sizable number in a workforce of 11,500. The biggest concerns of the
respondents were not terribly surprising. By far the most important issue
—one virtually ignored by reporters—was the substantial pay cut all but the most senior Foreign Service members
absorb when they transfer overseas.
Let me explain. During the 1990s, in an effort to attract and retain government
employees in expensive urban areas, Washington adopted a locality pay
structure. Employees in areas like New York, Washington, D.C., and San
Francisco would receive a percentage bonus over their base pay. Within a few
years, the plan was modified in a way that had deep consequences for the
Foreign Service: the pay structure added the category
“rest of the U.S,” meaning that locality pay applies to any government employee living anywhere in
the continental 48 states not covered by one of the higher bonuses. (Alaska and
Hawaii are covered by a different cost-of-living bonus system.) Thus, although
locality pay for Washington, D.C., in 2008 appears to be 20.89 percent, in
reality it is only a 7.71 percent increase, considering the
“rest of the U.S.” rate of 13.18 percent.
State Department employees who hope for promotion know they have to
spend time in some tough places.
By law, civilians serving overseas receive zero locality pay, meaning that
employees transferring from Washington to any overseas assignment take a 21
percent pay cut. Other agencies have developed various bonus structures to help
employees recoup such losses, but the State Department has not. Exacerbating
the 21 percent pay cut for married officers is the difficulty spouses have in
finding appropriate jobs overseas, meaning families often lose an entire income
when they deploy.
Some observers note that employees receive free housing when overseas. Although
that is true, that benefit tends to counteract the loss in salary only for the
youngest officers. Someone who has owned a home in the capital area for a
number of years is generally paying significantly less than 20 percent of his
salary toward his or her housing. Moreover, employees who hold on to their
homes and rent them out while overseas often do so at a substantial loss. And
the 10 percent of service members at unaccompanied posts must maintain their
families
—and mortgage payments—at home, though the government does try to defray some of those “separate maintenance” expenses.
The AFSA survey brought out other morale issues, most of them having to do with
the assignments and promotion process. Of course, if there is a company in
America that does not field similar complaints, I have not found it. (That does
not negate the need for management to continue to improve fairness in personnel
practices, especially at a time when members are risking their lives in
dangerous places.)
The third biggest concern to members was “family friendliness,” generally referring to lack of employment opportunities for spouses overseas
and the declining quality of some overseas schools. Additionally, as in the
military, family separations due to the growing list of unaccompanied posts are
taking their toll.
Thousands of Foreign Service employees told survey-takers that they had
already served in Iraq or were willing to volunteer to do so. When asked why, 59 percent said it was their patriotic duty.
Of considerably less concern to those employees who responded to the
questionnaire were questions about Iraq service and directed assignments. Yet
in covering the survey, the press focused on those topics, even though they
ranked fourth and fifth in terms of employee concerns. The stories sidestepped
the pay and promotion concerns, the overwhelmingly greatest issues for
employees.
THE HEALTH OF THE FOREIGN SERVICE
In recent months, unexpected (though welcome) public concern over and support
for the Foreign Service has come from the Heritage Foundation, Newt Gingrich,
and Secretary of Defense William Gates. All have noted that projecting a
positive image of America and Americans overseas and encouraging stability,
democracy, and economic growth are the most important challenges facing our
generation. The Foreign Service needs to be in the lead in all these areas, but
without adequate resources, the frustrations of doing more with less and making
greater and greater sacrifices without commensurate compensation are taking
their toll.
At the same time, anecdotal reports of increasing problems with post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) led the
Foreign Service Journal to dedicate its January 2008 issue to recognizing PTSD symptoms and seeking
treatment. The PTSD problem is particularly acute in a small organization,
where one supervisor suffering from acute stress and taking out his or her
frustrations on subordinates and colleagues can have a huge effect on morale
and retention. Anyone who has ever been in a poisonous work environment with
inadequate resources will recognize the problem; now imagine the same office in
a combat zone.
But there is good news amid the concern. Thousands who responded to the AFSA
survey reported that they had already served in Iraq or were willing to
volunteer to do so. When asked why, 59 percent said it was their patriotic
duty. The press greeted that finding with a deafening silence.
Special to the Hoover Digest.
Available from the Hoover Press is Turning Points in Ending the Cold War, edited by Kiron K. Skinner. To order, call 800.935.2882 or visit www.hooverpress.org.
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