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RUSSIA: Grim Relic
By Arnold Beichman
If Russians ever decide to hold Lenin accountable for his crimes, they could start by dismantling Lenin’s tomb and burying this monster in a lonely field far, far away from Red Square. By Arnold Beichman.
All over Russia and Ukraine you will find statues of a
man responsible for a tragedy that afflicted the people of the onetime
Soviet Union for 70 years. This monster
inspired an even greater tragedy for the people of communist China because his heritage still dominates that vast
land. It is an obscenity that the cadavers of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin and Mao
Zedong are entombed in shrines open for public viewing.
China is still ruled by a Communist Party
dictatorship, so it is understandable that Mao’s mummy lying in a
glass container is still on show in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. But
Russia is not ruled by a communist dictatorship.
It is ruled as a quasi-democracy by quasi-democrat Vladimir Putin. So why is Lenin’s glass-enclosed mummy still on
show in Moscow’s Red Square?
Some four decades ago, when there was still a Soviet
Union, Yevgeny Yevtushenko published a famous poem titled
“Stalin’s Heirs.” It was an invocation to the Soviet
leadership to prevent a return to Stalinism. At the time, the embalmed corpse of Joseph Stalin, which had been lying
in state in the Red Square mausoleum alongside
Lenin’s embalmed body, was removed and reinterred in the Kremlin
wall. Despite Nikita Khrushchev’s 1956 anti-Stalin speech and the symbolic act of removing Stalin’s
mummy from Lenin’s tomb, there was growing alarm, strikingly
expressed by Yevtushenko’s poem, that
the spirit of Stalin, who died in March 1953, was alive and well:
And I, appealing to our government,
petition them to double, and treble,
the sentries guarding this slab,
and stop Stalin from ever rising again,
and with Stalin, the past...
Yevtushenko’s poem concludes with this refrain:
While Stalin’s heirs still walk this Earth,
Stalin, I fancy, still lurks in the mausoleum.
So now it is time to ask why Lenin still lies in state
in his dimly lit, air-conditioned shrine in Red Square. The New York Times reported that “the inevitable question has returned: should his body be
moved?” The question was asked by
Georgi Poltavchenko, a senior Putin aide: “Our country has been
shaken by strife, but only a few people were held accountable for that in
our lifetime. I do not think it is fair that those who initiated the strife
remain in the center of our state near the Kremlin.”
In 1962 Khrushchev ordered Stalin’s remains
removed from Lenin’s tomb, implying that
Lenin’s remains were still sacred. But if Leninism had lost its
importance in Russian political thought at the highest levels, if Russian
public opinion abominated Lenin’s memory, the founder of the Soviet
Union would have been reburied in some cemetery far away—as Boris
Yeltsin reportedly once intended—in a symbolic act of desecration.
Think. Suppose a German provincial government were to
announce the opening of a Hitler tomb in, say, Bavaria, and people lined up
daily to see a wax museum replica of the
founder of Nazism lying in state in his sarcophagus. Western public opinion would be outraged at so monstrous a
celebration. Anytime a skinhead throws a firebomb in some German tenement
peopled by Turkish immigrants or when a rightist party gets a big vote in
Austria, a wave of apprehension about Hitler’s heirs swamps the
media. But the Bolshevik who brought so much misery to the Russian people
and imposed a proto-Stalinism (proto only because Lenin died
in 1924) that enslaved a working class and a peasantry Lenin had pledged to
liberate is still an object of veneration; lines still wait to enter the
tomb. Is Lenin morally superior to Hitler?
Some years ago it was reported Yeltsin soon would
order Lenin’s remains reburied in the Volkov Cemetery in St.
Petersburg (the onetime Leningrad). It also was said that Yeltsin would
soon remove the remains of other Soviet leaders—such as Stalin,
Leonid Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov, Konstantin Chernenko—all now
interred in the Kremlin wall, to Moscow’s Novodevichie Cemetery or
wherever their families asked.
But nothing happened. Yeltsin, the Financial Times reported on May 10, 1996, “embraced the symbols and
ceremonies of the Soviet era.” In fact, Yeltsin commemorated May 9,
the anniversary of the Allied victory in the Second
World War, with a speech delivered from atop the Lenin mausoleum while the red flag, with a star substituting for the
old hammer and sickle, waved in the breeze.
If one thing is clearer today than ever before in
Soviet history, it is that Lenin was an unscrupulous, inhuman revolutionary
prepared to impose not only on czarist Russia
but on all the world his messianic totalitarianism.
The late Dmitri Volkogonov, Lenin’s biographer
who had full access to the Lenin archive, wrote:
An entire mechanism was put in place to manage
Lenin’s embalmed body, which had become vitally necessary . . . for
its effect on the psychology of the masses. For the Bolsheviks, it was one
means of personifying the immortality of Lenin’s precepts, although
on the eve of the 21st century, rather than serving as a testimony of the
man’s greatness, it is instead a reminder of the depth of the
country’s historic failure.
If Leninism were still not a powerful ideological
force in Russia, Lenin’s remains, like Stalin’s, would have
been removed years ago. Perhaps it is time for another poem, this one
titled “Lenin’s Heirs,” with a new refrain:
While Lenin’s heirs still walk this Earth
Lenin, I fancy, may one day bask
in the glory of his renaissance.
This essay appeared in the Washington Times on October 14, 2005.
Available from the Hoover Press is The Economics of Forced Labor: The Soviet Gulag, edited by Paul R. Gregory and Valery Lazarev. To order, call 800.935.2882 or visit www.hooverpress.org.
Arnold Beichman, a political scientist, writer, and former journalist, has been a visiting scholar and research fellow at the Hoover Institution since 1982.
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