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DEMOCRACY: Giving Peace a Chance
By Niall Ferguson
Can the new century prove an age of peace? Niall Ferguson considers the question by examining conflict in three of the last century’s hot spots: Bosnia, Guatemala, and Cambodia.
Is the world becoming a more peaceful place? Given the
continuing high level of terrorism in Iraq, now verging on civil war, that may seem a
rather idiotic question.
And yet there is strong evidence that the amount of conflict in the world as a whole is going down. According to the
University of Maryland’s Center for International Development and
Conflict Management, “global warfare has decreased by over 60 percent
since peaking in the mid-1980s, falling . . .
to its lowest level since the late 1950s.” In the last three years
alone, 11 wars have ended, in countries
ranging from Indonesia and Sri Lanka in Asia to Rwanda, Sierra Leone,
Angola, and Liberia in sub-Saharan Africa.
The two most striking features of war in our time
have been the decline of traditional interstate warfare and the rise and
fall of civil war. Since the end of the Cold
War there have been just a handful of wars between separate states, and most of these were
very short. Far more common in recent decades
have been civil wars; they increased yearly from the early 1960s to reach a
bloody peak in the early 1990s. But in the last
10 years there has been a sharp decline.
The University of Maryland center lists only eight “societal
wars” as ongoing.
This summer I visited three of the
late-twentieth-century’s worst civil war zones: Bosnia, Guatemala, and the former killing fields of
Cambodia. These three countries used to be bywords for horrific,
internecine violence. Yet the killing in each has stopped.
It is a strange sensation to walk across the
magnificent bridge on the Drina River at Visegrád where, between
1992 and 1994, scores of Muslims were
slaughtered by Serbian militiamen who had once been their neighbors. I felt a similar shudder as I stood by Lake Atitlán
in Guatemala. Like the gorge at Visegrád through which the Drina
runs, it is a beautiful spot. Majestic volcanoes tower over it. Yet
thousands of the Mayan Indians who lived in
the towns and villages around the lake were murdered there during Guatemala’s civil war.
Historians love to ask why wars begin. Yet we write
much less about how and why wars end. One deceptively simple explanation
for the recent decline of war is that the
world is getting more democratic. In 1977, just 35 of the world’s 140 independent states were democracies.
Today, democracies account for 55 percent of
the total. Why should this make peace more likely? The reason is that two democracies are less likely to go to
war with one another than, say, two dictatorships or a democracy and a
dictatorship. And democracies are also much less likely to descend into
civil wars.
But why has democracy spread to countries such as
Guatemala? One possibility is that the American
“empire,” which generally gets such bad press, is actually doing a good job of spreading democracy.
Now that the Soviet Union is gone, so too has the temptation to turn every
civil war into a proxy for the Cold War. In the mid-1990s, by contrast, it
was U.S. intervention that helped end the war in Bosnia and paved the way
for democratization in the Balkans.
That’s the kind of argument neoconservatives
love. The trouble is that American
intervention has been responsible for ending dictatorships or wars in only a few cases. As much, if not more, credit should
probably go to the much-maligned international
community. The United Nations has certainly done
more to end wars in Africa than the United States.
Yet maybe there’s a third explanation for the
recent peace wave. Maybe local people, regardless of foreign intervention,
are simply opting for peace because they’re sick of war. War, after
all, is attractive only to a minority of people: bored young men and the
cynical politicians who see violence as a route to power. That’s why
only a handful of the post-1989 civil wars lasted longer than seven years.
This is certainly the impression I have taken away from Guatemala and
Bosnia, where the people I met seemed at once exhausted by the past and
excited by the prospect of a peaceful future. They were, nevertheless, also apprehensive, keenly aware that the
cycle of violence could resume if the
forces of darkness are allowed to recover their former strength. After all,
it is far from clear in either case that the underlying causes of ethnic
conflict have been removed. And few of the perpetrators have been brought
to justice.
So although it would be nice to think of the recent
decline in global conflict as presaging a golden age of peace, I am
inclined to be skeptical. It is not only Iraq that today seems doomed to
suffer the miseries of civil war. Even in Bosnia and Guatemala—to say
nothing of Cambodia—today’s peace may turn out to have been no
more than a cease-fire.
Visit the Drina River and Lake Atitlán while
you can.
This essay appeared in the Los Angeles Times on September 19, 2005.
Available from the Hoover Press is Terrorism, the Laws of War, and the Constitution: Debating the Enemy Combatant Cases, edited by Peter Berkowitz. To order, call 800.935.2882 or visit www.hooverpress.org.
Senior Fellow Niall Ferguson is also a professor of history at Harvard University and a professor of business administration at Harvard Business School. He is also a senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford University. He specializes in political and financial history and provides insight into understanding the complex interaction among politics, war, and national economies. His most recent book is The War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and the Descent of the West.
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