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KOREA: How Long?
By Charles Wolf Jr.
When will the regime of Kim Jong Il finally collapse? By Charles Wolf Jr.
The demise of Kim Il Sung in 1994 after five decades
of one-man rule in North Korea led many
academic and policy wonks to conjecture that Korean reunification might ensue within a few years of the leadership
transition from strongman father to untested and putatively weak son, Kim
Jong Il. The plausible unification scenarios described at the time included
regime “collapse,” regional
“fragmentation,” or simply “absorption” of the
precarious North
Korean economy by the economic powerhouse that the South Korean “tiger” had by
that time become. That none of these scenarios ensued in the following decade was a surprise.
Contemporaneous with these conjectures about Korean
unification, the unification of another long-divided country, Germany, was
under way. By 1995, five years into the reunification of East and West
Germany, the economic burden imposed on the
West German economy had already exceeded $750 billion, more than 7 percent of its cumulative GDP
during that period. Moreover, these costs
have continued to accumulate and by now have reached a figure twice that
amount.
In any event, the German experience occasioned
consternation in South Korea, which feared
that unification with the North would entail a still larger and more debilitating relative
cost burden than that borne by West Germany. The
not-entirely-irrational basis for this fear was and remains that the
population of North Korea is a larger fraction of South Korea’s
population, whereas North Korea’s per capita income is a much smaller
fraction of that of South Korea, compared to the corresponding German
figures. North Korea’s population is about half that of the South (22
million versus 47 million in the South), and its per capita income about 8
percent that of the South (perhaps $760 versus $10,000 in the South). By
comparison, East Germany’s population at the time of its unification
with the Federal Republic was about one-quarter, and its per capita income
about one-third, that of West Germany.
The flaw in reasoning from the German experience to
the possible unification experience in Korea is that unification costs need
not be driven, as they were in the German
case, by a goal of equalizing per capita income between the unifying parts.
There are many instances of unified countries that function with tolerable effectiveness despite large regional
disparities in per capita income, not to
mention sometimes deep political, social, and cultural rifts as well.
Examples include Indonesia’s Christian Ambon and Muslim Java,
Italy’s prosperous Piedmont region and its relatively impoverished
Mezzogiorno, the eastern and western parts of Ukraine, let alone, say,
California and Mississippi in the United States.
Consequently, in considering the costs of possible
Korean unification it is both more appropriate
and more realistic to stipulate a rapid doubling of per capita income in the North as
the target for unification, rather than what
would be a less relevant goal of equalizing per capita income between North
and South. Adopting a goal of doubling North Korean income, a recent RAND
Corporation study places the capital costs of reunification of the Korean
peninsula at between $50 billion and $670 billion. Although these estimates are large and although they span a wide range,
they are considerably lower—between
one-third and one-fifth—than most prior estimates.
How and exactly when unification may
occur—whether by system evolution or collapse, by internal
dissidence, by fragmentation, or by conflict—is no less conjectural
now than it was a decade earlier. At that time, such conjectures were rife, and we were surprised that none of the
envisaged possibilities ensued. Now, when such
conjectures are absent, and attention instead
is preempted by North Korea’s threatened or actual acquisition of
nuclear weapons, we may be surprised
again—but this time in a reverse direction.
This essay appeared in the Wall Street Journal on June 30, 2005.
Available from the Hoover Press is The Gravest Danger: Nuclear Weapons, by Sidney Drell and James Goodby. To order, call 800.935.2882 or visit www.hooverpress.org.
Charles Wolf Jr. is a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is also a senior economic adviser and corporate fellow in international economics at the RAND Corporation.
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