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HURRICANE KATRINA: Why We Lacked Resilience
By Henry I. Miller
How could one storm score a hit on every wallet in the country? By Henry I. Miller.
Hurricane Katrina’s devastation of the Gulf
Coast is raising the price of everything from cosmetics to crude oil,
gasoline to grain. How could one storm score a hit on every wallet in the
country?
The answer is that as a society we lack sufficient
resilience—the ability to recover from or adapt to adversity—to
avoid such an outcome. We permitted a
situation to arise in which a huge proportion of the nation’s energy-production infrastructure became concentrated in one
region—a region prone to hurricane-related catastrophes, no less.
In both the private and public sectors, resilience is
crucial. The buggy-whip manufacturers had to begin supplying automobile
components to Henry Ford’s assembly line or die; and the federal
government achieved an historic success in World War II’s Manhattan
Project, which developed the atomic bombs that ended the war.
Resilience is in short supply these days, however;
and there is plenty of blame to go around. Politicians—federal,
state, and local—tend to be short-term thinkers, their purview often
limited to the next election. Moreover, many of
them are particularly challenged in science and logic. The harsh truth is that there is little correlation between
electability and problem solving.
The nation as a whole would have been far more
resilient to Katrina had we located oil refineries in other parts of the
country and markedly reduced our dependence on oil by constructing
additional nuclear power plants.
These efforts, however, have been blocked by failures
of both government and non-governmental
lobbying groups. Nuclear energy has become the third rail of politics, and
irresponsible radical environmentalists have prevented the construction of
a single new oil refinery or nuclear power plant for decades. (And witness
the seemingly endless acrimony over the creation of the nuclear waste
repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada.)
These activists detest the oil and coal-mining
companies, they abhor nuclear power, and now they’re even complaining
about wind turbines killing birds—so what do they approve of? Not
long ago, a Greenpeace activist knocked on the door of my home and tried to
convince me that the answer to our energy needs was to grow vast quantities
of hemp. Hemp? I
threatened to set the dog on her.
Mindless, anti-technology activism—whether in
NGOs or government—is inimical to
resilience. It jeopardizes our survival as individuals and our success as a
society. There are many examples. Consider, for example, the six-year-old
U.S. outbreak of mosquito-borne West Nile virus, a significant threat to public health. By mid-September, the middle of
the West Nile fever season (there is a time lag during which animals
are infected, mosquitoes convey the virus to humans, and the virus incubates until symptoms
occur), infections had been found in animal
hosts (primarily birds) in 44 states and had caused almost a thousand
serious infections and dozens of deaths in humans in 36 states. As of
September 6, Louisiana ranked fourth in the nation in human West Nile virus infections, but with most of New Orleans still under
water and providing a perfect breeding ground for mosquitoes, there are likely to be
far more cases.
Thanks to politically correct but egregiously flawed
federal regulatory policy, however, the tools available to local officials
are limited—and largely ineffective. In the absence of a vaccine,
eliminating the mosquito is the key to
preventing epidemics, but fundamental shortcomings in public policy have made unavailable the most potent weapon in our
arsenal: DDT, an inexpensive and effective pesticide once widely deployed
to kill disease-carrying insects.
In 1972, on the basis of data on toxicity to fish and
migrating birds (but not to humans), the Environmental Protection Agency
banned virtually all uses of DDT. (How ironic that regulators banned it
largely for its toxicity to birds: Now DDT is
unavailable to combat a mosquito-borne viral disease that is killing birds by the millions!)
Not only did government regulators underplay
scientific evidence of the effectiveness and relative safety of DDT, they
also failed to appreciate the distinction between its large-scale use in
agriculture and more limited application for controlling carriers of human
disease. Although DDT is a (modestly) toxic
substance, there is a big difference between applying large amounts of it in the environment—as American farmers did
before it was banned—and applying it
sparingly to fight mosquitoes and other disease-carrying insects.
Another example of public policy that compromises
resilience is opposition to gene-splicing
technology, also known as “genetic modification,” or
“GM,” applied to agriculture and food production. This
technology, which offers superior precision and predictability compared to
its predecessors, is unscientifically and grossly over-regulated by the
USDA and EPA, and the resulting additional expense to perform field trials
with gene-spliced plants causes the technology
to be underused by academic and industrial scientists. Worse still, in response to mendacious and irresponsible
activism, three California counties have banned entirely the cultivation of
plants or seeds improved with these state-of-the-art techniques.
These local jurisdictions have adopted policies that
are unscientific and logically inconsistent, in that their restrictions are
inversely related
to risk—in other words, they permit the use of microorganisms and
plants that are crafted with less precise and predictable techniques, but ban those made
with more precise
and predictable ones. These policies ensure the increased use of chemical
pesticides and the persistence of these chemicals in the area’s
ground and surface water.
Because these policies make fewer options available,
they compromise resilience. Prohibitions and the burden of excessive
regulation discourage sophisticated genetic approaches to drought and to
the eradication of blights such as sudden oak death, phylloxera, powdery
mildew, and Pierce’s Disease (a bacterial infestation carried by a
leaf-hopping insect, the glassy-winged sharpshooter), which threatens
California’s multi-billion-dollar wine and table grape industries. In
the face of the kinds of droughts that occurred this year in the Midwest
and in California during the early 1990s, the availability of
drought-resistant crop varieties could spell the difference for farmers
between merely a below-average year and a catastrophic one, but flawed,
myopic public policy discourages innovation in this direction.
If individually and collectively we are to meet
economic, environmental, and public health challenges, we need plenty of
options and opportunities for innovation. But in large and small ways,
unimaginative, short-sighted politicians, self-serving bureaucrats, and
venal NGOs have conspired to limit those
options and to place all Americans in jeopardy.
Special to the Hoover Digest.
Available from the Hoover Press is To America’s Health: A Proposal to Reform the Food and Drug Administration, by Henry I. Miller. To order, call 800.935.2882 or visit www.hooverpress.org.
Henry I. Miller, M.S., M.D., is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, where his research focuses on public policy toward science and technology. It encompasses a number of areas, including pharmaceutical development, the new biotechnology, models for regulatory reform, and the emergence of new viral diseases.
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