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HISTORY AND CULTURE: Echoes of the Gipper
By Peter M. Robinson
What would Ronald Reagan say? By Peter Robinson.
What would Ronald Reagan say? Democracy movements
rising to power in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan; elections in
Afghanistan and Iraq; a new Palestinian leader who appears genuinely
committed to establishing a democratic state; pro-democracy demonstrations
in Beirut. What would the man Margaret Thatcher called the Great Liberator
make of it all?
Pondering this the other day, I decided that if
William Safire could commune from time to time with his old boss, Richard
Nixon, in the New York Times, then I ought to be able to commune with my old boss in this
publication.
Picturing the Gipper’s famous grin, I shut my
eyes. A moment later, I detected the scent of live oak and the tang of
horse sweat. I heard a whinny, then the squeak of leather as a big,
square-shouldered man dismounted. “Remember the inscription I used to
write on those photographs that showed me up at the ranch, riding my
Arabian stallion?” Ronald Reagan asked. “‘This
isn’t the South Lawn, it’s heaven?’ Well, by golly, I was
right about that. Whoa, boy. Settle down. You’d like to ask a few
questions?”
PR: If I may, Mr.
President. You called on Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall, but these
days all sorts of walls seem to be falling. Are there any particular lessons we ought to learn from what has been taking
place?
RR: [With a
self-deprecating shake of the head] Well, I’m no historian. But while
the professors are writing their big books, maybe I can offer a couple of simple observations. The first ought to make
everybody happy. Thomas Jefferson and John
Adams were right—Adams sits a mount pretty well for a stocky little
fella, by the way—but they were right. We really are endowed by our
Creator with certain inalienable rights, and no matter what his culture,
his religion, or his language, everybody would rather have a say in
electing a government than have some tyrant tell him how to live.
Remember that 1982 speech to Parliament that I
delivered over in London?
PR: I have it
right here on my desk. I was looking it over before I got in touch with
you.
RR: There’s
a passage in the middle of that speech that I inserted in my own
handwriting—you speechwriters did a good job most of the time, but
every so often I did a little writing myself. It’s about the 1982
election in El Salvador. Would you read that passage aloud?
PR: My pleasure,
sir. “On election day the people of El Salvador braved ambush and
gunfire, trudging miles to vote for freedom. A grandmother who had been
told by the guerrillas she would be killed when she returned from the polls
told the guerrillas, ‘You can kill me, kill my family, and kill
my neighbors, but you can’t kill us all.’ The real freedom
fighters of El Salvador turned out to be the people of that country.”
RR: Now, does
that 1982 election in El Salvador remind you of anything?
PR: The 2005
election in Iraq.
RR: See what I
mean? People are people. They’ll take freedom whenever they can get
it.
PR: Your second
observation, sir?
RR: A lot of folks won’t like this one. Powerful as the
aspiration for freedom can be, sometimes
it isn’t enough by itself. Sometimes the United States needs to step
in.
Look at Eastern Europe: East Germany in 1953, Hungary
in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968—Soviet tanks rolled in every time.
Then came Poland in 1981.
In March, the month I got shot, the Soviets began
moving forces in and around Poland, and it looked for all the world as if
they were going to do to Walesa in Gdansk what they’d done to that
Dubcek fella in Prague. What stopped them? American resolve. One of the
first things I did when I got well enough to sit up in my hospital bed was
to write Brezhnev a letter with the bark off.
Our 600-ship navy, the invasion of Grenada, support
for freedom fighters in Afghanistan and Latin
America, the Strategic Defense Initiative—the
revolution of 1989 was soft as velvet because the United States had spent eight years being hard as steel. Young
George Bush understands all that. He knows there’s nothing quite as
important to the cause of human liberty as the armed forces of the United
States.
PR: People often
compare President Bush with you. What do you make of that comparison, sir?
RR: Well, I certainly like his style. He makes a few important
decisions every day
but delegates the rest to his staff, exercises, gets plenty of rest, and
leaves Washington
for his ranch just as often as he can. Wonderful wife, too. A lot like Nancy. Elegant and
feminine, but strong. On substance, though, the
chief executive George W. Bush reminds me of most is Harry Truman.
PR: President
Truman, sir? Not yourself?
RR: Well, before becoming president I’d spent half my
adult life reading and writing and giving speeches about the Soviets. All I had to do
once I took office
was act on what I’d already decided. But Harry Truman? When he took office he had no idea what he was getting
into—heck, for a while he thought Stalin was a good ally. But in just
a few years Truman recognized what Stalin was
really up to, rallied the country for the struggle against Soviet aggression, and developed the basic strategy
of containment that would remain in place until I came along four decades
later.
George W. Bush? When he took office young George was
expecting an easy time of it, not the first
attack on our territory since Pearl Harbor. Yet
here we are, just four years later, and George W. Bush has rallied the
country for the struggle against terrorists, won a war in Afghanistan, won
a war in Iraq, and developed a strategy for promoting democracy that has
already transformed the Middle East and fostered democratic advances as far
away as Kyrgyzstan.
PR: Then
you’re optimistic about President Bush’s democracy agenda, sir?
RR: Well, we
shouldn’t expect too much from the new democracies. Just look at all
the trouble France, Germany, and a few of the other old democracies have
been causing. But have you got a copy of the speech I delivered at Moscow
State University in 1988?
PR: Yes, sir. I
have that speech right here, too. “Freedom is the recognition that no single person, no single authority of government has
a monopoly on the
truth, but that every individual life is infinitely precious, that every one of us put on this world has been put here for a reason
and has something to offer.”
RR: A speech
about freedom, to the children of the Soviet apparat, right there in the
very capital of an evil empire that had enslaved tens of millions. And if
that could happen—well, you bet I’m optimistic.
The former president glanced over his shoulder toward
the West. “Now, if you’ll excuse me,” he said, “the
sun is getting low. Come on, boy. Time to get you back to the
stable.”
Ronald Reagan mounted up and began to ride away.
Suddenly he reined in his horse, shifted his weight in the saddle, and
turned back to me. “I still love riding into the sunset,” he
said. Then he grinned, gave me a wink, and rode on.
This essay appeared in the Wall Street Journal on March 31, 2005.
Available from the Hoover Press are Revolution: The Reagan Legacy, by Martin Anderson, and The Collapse of Communism, edited by Lee Edwards. To order, call 800.935.2882 or visit www.hooverpress.org.
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Peter M. Robinson is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he writes about business and politics, edits Hoover's quarterly journal, the Hoover Digest, and hosts Hoover's vidcast program, Uncommon Knowledge™.
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