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SOCIAL SECURITY: Keeping Savers from Saving
By David A. Wise and John Shoven
Beginning in the 1980s, the government began introducing individual retirement accounts and 401(k) programs--widely heralded moves. Since then, in widely unheralded moves, the government has imposed new, all but confiscatory taxes on the saving these programs have encouraged. An analysis by Stanford dean John B. Shoven and Hoover fellow David A. Wise.
Since the early 1980s the introduction of the individual retirement
account (IRA) and 401(k) programs has worked to increase individual
saving. Now more saving is done through these plans than through
conventional employer-provided defined benefit and defined contribution
plans. Altogether, pension plan saving for retirement now accounts for at
least 70 percent of personal saving. While encouraging saving with one
hand, however, legislators have worked with the other, a mostly hidden
hand, to discourage the very retirement saving that accounts for the bulk
of personal saving in the United States. In 1982, pension saving was not
subject to estate taxes and was taxed only when the funds were
withdrawn either by the pension saver in retirement or by the saver's
children. Yet today pension saving that passes through an estate can be
virtually confiscated through a series of estate, income, and "excess
accumulation" penalty taxes imposed on large accumulations of pension
saving, and large withdrawals from pension plans are subject to an
"excess distribution" penalty tax. We find that
The marginal tax rate on large distributions is likely to be as high as
61.5 percent and that the confiscatory marginal tax rates on large
pension assets passing through an estate can be as high as 92 to 97
percent and sometimes even higher.
These extraordinary tax rates are not limited to the rich. Rather,
they are taxes on lifetime savers. For example, a person with median
earnings over a long career who contributes 10 percent of earnings
to a 401(k) plan with assets invested in the S&P 500 is likely to be
victimized by these "success" taxes. Although only a small
proportion of persons now approaching retirement will pay these
taxes, the rapid expansion of 401(k) plans in particular will place a
large number of future savers in harm's way.
Many lifetime savers will find that the prospect of these taxes
completely offsets the incentive to save for retirement in a pension
plan. The prospect that most of the funds will be confiscated if
pension assets remain at death provides an enormous incentive to
limit pension saving. Furthermore, these taxes provide a large
incentive to withdraw saving from pension funds before it is needed
for consumption. All work to limit the saving of those who would
otherwise save the most.
Savers who increase their saving because of the opportunities
offered through personal or employer pension plans do not reduce
resources available to the rest of the population. Indeed, the gain to
savers from consuming tomorrow rather than today is only a portion of the
social return from the increment to the pool of saving. Assuming that
increased saving leads to increased investment and thus economic growth
and, indeed, more taxes in the future, the social return far exceeds the
private gain.
| THESE EXTRAORDINARY TAX RATES ARE NOT LIMITED TO THE RICH |
Then what lies behind policies to keep savers from saving? A
complete accounting is not possible here. But at least three forces have
lurked behind the scenes. One is the widely held view that saving leads to
economic growth and will improve the lot of future elderly; combined with
the equally widespread belief that the saving rate in the United States is
too low, this view suggests that saving should be encouraged. This was an
important motivation for the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, which
made IRAs available to all employees, and for the 1978 legislation that
established the foundation for 401(k) plans.
A second force has been the desire to curb the chronic federal budget
deficit, which has led to curtailment of the very saving plans that were
intended to encourage saving. This force gives great weight to the short
run and little weight to the long-run growth of the economy. The tendency
has been to avoid short-run tax expenditures at the expense of long-run
revenues.
A third force, and perhaps the most troubling, is the view that
saving incentives such as those provided through IRA and 401(k) plans are
a gift to the wealthy and thus that their use should be limited for that
reason. From this perspective comes the notion that too much saving in
this form should be penalized. It ignores the social gain from saving no
matter what the mechanism that induces it. All three forces have been at
work over the past decade and a half.
It has always been true that most saving is done by people with the
most money. That is still the case. If saving is to be increased, people
with the greatest income must be induced to save more of it. Since many
families with high incomes have accumulated little wealth on the eve of
retirement, it is hoped that the inducement to save will add to the
financial security of future retirees, even those with higher lifetime
incomes. Although Americans of all income levels could benefit by saving
more, the bulk of any increase is likely to come from persons with the
highest incomes. Encouraging them to save while penalizing them for
taking advantage of the inducement is likely to curtail economic growth.
An inducement to save, although viewed by some as a gift to the rich,
might more properly be viewed as a way to get the rich to use more of
their resources to contribute to the national well-being. The United States
will benefit more if a wealthy person saves a million dollars than if the
wealthy person uses the million to buy a bigger house.
If economic growth is to be quickened and if the well-being of
future elderly is to be enhanced, the relative power of the three forces
will have to change. The United States can only be hurt by keeping savers
from saving.
Adapted from "Keeping Savers from Saving," by John B. Shoven and David A. Wise, in Facing the Age Wave, edited by David A. Wise, published by Hoover Press. To order, call 800-935-2882.
Illustration by David Ridley
David A. Wise is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and the John F. Stambaugh Professor of Political Economy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, where he has taught since 1973.
John Shoven is the Buzz and Barbara McCoy Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Charles R. Schwab Professor of Economics, and director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research. He has served as chairman of the economics department from 1986 to 1989, director of the Center for Economic Policy Research from 1989 to 1993, and dean of the School of Humanities and Sciences from 1993 to 1998. He is an expert on tax policy, Social Security, and U.S. savings patterns and was a consultant for the U.S. Treasury Department from 1975 to 1988.
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