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ENVIRONMENT: State Department Goes Green
By Henry I. Miller
American soldiers being sent overseas to combat . . . noxious emissions? According to a new State Department document, the notion isn't as far fetched as it sounds. Hoover fellow Henry I. Miller, M.D., examines the latest wrinkle in the administration's foreign policy.
When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, Americans were overwhelmingly
convinced that their national interests were at stake in the Middle East.
But how would they feel about their country sending U.S. troops overseas
to enforce limits on carbon dioxide emissions? How would the rest of the
world feel about Washington launching cruise missiles against a dam in
Asia because of its negative environmental impact?
That may seem surreal, but it's just the sort of scenario
foreshadowed in Environmental Diplomacy, a slick ten-thousand-word
document released by the U.S. State Department last spring. With
forewords by Vice President Al Gore and Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright, its message is that today "environmental issues are part of the
mainstream of American foreign policy" because "environmental problems
are often at the heart of the political and economic challenges we face
around the world." In other words, it's not tyrannical governments, not
state-sponsored genocide or terrorism, not poverty or disease, but
environmental problems that define America's foreign policy challenges.
Greenpeace Manifesto
Environmental Diplomacy reads like a Greenpeace manifesto and, not
coincidentally, like Al Gore's Earth in the Balance. It claims that the
World Bank must factor "environmental implications into its lending
decisions," echoing Mr. Gore's claim that "classical economics defines
productivity narrowly and encourages us to equate gains in productivity
with economic progress. But the Holy Grail of progress is so alluring that
economists tend to overlook the bad side effects that often accompany
improvements."
The remedy proposed by Mr. Gore--and now by the State
Department--is to redefine the relevant measures of economic activity.
The purpose of this is clear: to enable governments to obscure the costs of
environmental protection by calling them "benefits" and to force
businesses to list wealth-creating activities as societal "costs." But the
effects will be profound. Companies around the world will see their
regulatory expenses skyrocket and their markets shrink. Consumers will
pay inflated prices for fewer products and higher taxes to support bloated
bureaucracies.
Mr. Gore's ideology has already infiltrated the workings of the U.S.
government. Since 1994, the Commerce Department's Bureau of Economic
Analysis has used its so-called economic-environmental accounting
framework to calculate the country's "green GDP." Just as a conventional
accounting ledger includes an entry for depreciation of plant and
equipment, the bureau's system attempts to record the "degradation of
natural assets." According to this Orwellian theory of account-ing, grants
from the World Bank to radical environmental groups could be counted
among the bank's income, whereas the value of electricity from a new dam
financed by the organization could be counted among the bank's
expenditures.
According to the new scheme of eco-accounting, grants from the
World Bank to radical environmental groups could be counted as income,
whereas the value of electricity from a new dam financed by the
bank could be counted as expenditure.
Environmental Diplomacy expresses concern about "the rapid
conversion of land to human uses, increased pollution, and the spread of
exotic species to non-native habitats." These developments reduce
biodiversity, it observes accurately, which can in turn cause us to forgo
breakthroughs in agriculture such as "a strain of disease-free wheat." Yet
the State Department's brand of environmentalism encourages United
Nations' policies that actually block advances in agriculture and the
development of environment-friendly products that would protect
diversity. Half a dozen U.N. programs or agencies have targeted
biotechnology--the use of precise, state-of-the-art techniques for
genetically improving plants, animals, and microorganisms--with a
sweeping variety of unnecessary and burdensome new regulations.
Agricultural biology is particularly vulnerable to such interference
because, although its potential for innovation is high, profit margins are
low and products often have limited lifetimes. The new regulations' vastly
increased paperwork and other costs for field-testing are roadblocks to
the kinds of research and development that could produce particularly
environment-friendly results--crops with greater yields requiring fewer
agricultural chemicals, biological alternatives to chemical pesticides, and
various biological methods to clean up toxic wastes.
Gospel According to Gore
According to Environmental Diplomacy, "the State Department will focus
its regional and bilateral environmental diplomacy" on several key areas,
one of which is "land use." Critical issues include such decisions as
foreign countries' "local and national leaders weigh[ing] the competing
goals of protecting a forest against providing additional croplands."
Foreign governments' sovereign actions, we are told, "have social,
environmental, and economic implications, which in turn affect our
foreign policy." Mr. Gore and Ms. Albright apparently think U.S. foreign
policy should turn on other countries' purely domestic economic
decisions--whether, for example, the Indonesian government harvests an
old-growth forest or Bangkok decides to build additional highways instead
of a subway system.
If you think that's extreme, you ought to read Earth in the Balance to
understand its rationale. The apocalyptic central thesis of Mr. Gore's book
is that we need to take "bold and unequivocal action . . . [to] make the
rescue of the environment the central organizing principle for creation."
Throughout the book, he uses the metaphor that those who believe in
technological progress are as sinister, and polluters are as evil, as the
perpetrators of the Holocaust.
The Clinton administration is already implementing the State
Department's environmental initiatives in a number of ways: in
negotiations of treaties and other agreements; in bilateral and regional
diplomacy; in foreign aid from the State Department and the U.S. Agency
for International Development; in the CIA's commitment to "environmental
intelligence"; and in new "regional environmental hubs" within certain
U.S. embassies, which will preach the gospel according to Mr. Gore.
Thanks to this co-opting of U.S. foreign policy, Mr. Gore's eco
battiness will metastasize not only domestically but around the
world--courtesy of the official U.S. diplomatic apparatus and the American
taxpayer. We need to end this unhappy marriage of
pseudoenvironmentalism and diplomacy before it's too late.
Reprinted from the Wall Street Journal, May 15, 1997, from an article entitled "Get Ready for Gunboat Environmental Diplomacy." © 1997 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All rights reserved. Available from the Hoover Press as part of the Essays in Public Policy series are "Is the Biodiversity Treaty a Bureaucratic Time Bomb?" by Henry I. Miller, M.D., and "Economics in Action: Ideas, Institutions, Policies", by George P. Shultz. To order either, call 800-935-2882.
Henry I. Miller, M.S., M.D., is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, where his research focuses on public policy toward science and technology. It encompasses a number of areas, including pharmaceutical development, the new biotechnology, models for regulatory reform, and the emergence of new viral diseases.
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