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FEATURES: The Reading First Controversy
By Shepard Barbash
Promise and perils of federal leadership
“Reading First is the most effective federal
program in history.” So reads the opening
line of a report that Alabama superintendent of education Joseph Morton
sent to his congressional delegation last June, in which he recounts how
the program has raised reading achievement for poor students in his charge.
Morton’s view is shared by leaders in many other states, where
thousands of Reading First elementary schools have reported unprecedented
progress closing the “literacy gap” among the poor.
And yet a string of ironies plagues Reading First,
threatening its future at the height of its promise. The program is the
only component of No Child Left Behind to be rated “effective”
by the White House Office of Management and Budget, yet the administration
has done little to protect it. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings
calls it “the most effective and successful reading initiative in the
nation’s history,” yet she removed its two leaders from their
jobs. It is the one part of the No Child Left Behind law educators say they
like, yet it has been targeted for deep cuts in funding (see Figure 1). Its
prescriptive approach would seem easy fodder for Republicans to attack, yet
Democrats in Congress have led the assault against it.
A glance at education headlines suggests that Reading
First has succumbed to the fallout from “scandal” (see sidebar). The true story, however, is that the program is a victim of its
own high standards. It’s a federal program that appears to be working
to change the way states and schools teach reading—and change never
comes without conflict.
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A Questionable Controversy
Complaints from three vendors who felt
unfairly shut out of the program led to an investigation and a
series of reports by the Department of Education’s Office of
the Inspector General citing supposed lapses by Reading First staff
and potential conflicts of interest among contractors and
panelists reviewing programs.
The program vendors who raised concerns were
Robert Slavin, author of the Success for All reading curriculum;
Cindy Cupp, author of the Dr. Cupp Readers; and Jady Johnson,
executive director of the Reading Recovery Council of North
America.
Slavin’s is a spurious case. Early in
Reading First’s implementation, he alleged that two curricula
of proven efficacy, his own Success for All, as well as a rival,
Direct Instruction (DI), were being unfairly shut out of Reading
First. More specifically, he charged that, under federal duress,
states were pressuring districts to avoid his program or to create
guidelines that made its adoption less likely. Yet the inspector
general (IG) not only failed to substantiate Slavin’s charges
about Success for All, but actually built its “case”
around the fact that several peer review panelists—as well as
the program’s director, Chris Doherty—had ties to
Direct Instruction programs.
Yet even this charge is dubious; it would be
impossible to construct any panel of reading experts that
didn’t include individuals with professional ties to the
existing reading programs, and the IG never alleged actual
financial conflicts of interest. Furthermore,
DI commands only a modest share of the Reading
First market. Nor did the federal review panel have direct oversight
over the selection of individual programs, since few states discussed
specific core programs in their state applications, and none identified
Direct Instruction. The decision about which
“research-based” curricula to use was left to the states
and districts.
Cupp alleged that the state of Georgia, with
federal encouragement, shut her product out of Reading First by
prohibiting its use until she got an independent appraisal showing
that it was research-based. The IG’s investigation of Georgia
exonerated the state and the feds.
As for Reading Recovery, which is a one-on-one
intervention program for first graders, its efficacy, cost
effectiveness, and research base are all disputed. (The What Works
Clearinghouse found some evidence of effectiveness in a recent
review; other studies have found its approach to be less efficient
than modifications to the program that use more phonics and that
deliver instruction to small groups.) What’s most relevant,
though, is that it’s a “pull-out” program using a
tutoring approach, while Reading First explicitly requires the use
of core, classroom-based reading programs. Its use has been
discouraged by Reading First directors in most of the states cited
in this article.
Doherty was forced to resign
after he was “caught” steering states
away from programs he felt did not meet the requirements of the law. (A
series of vivid e-mails in which he denigrated things he believed were
flagrantly against the law did not help his cause.) His deputy, Sandi
Jacobs, was reassigned. Congress held hearings and decried the
Department of Education’s management of the program. And, most
recently, it slashed the program’s budget by more than 60
percent.
Yet it is far from clear that Doherty did
anything wrong. The dispute over his actions rather reflects a
deeper disagreement over the proper role of the federal government
in education, an ambivalence well captured by the Reading First law
itself, which embodies a contradiction. Not only does the law
require that districts use curricula that rely on
“scientifically-based reading research,” a phrase,
defined at length that appears 25 times in the statute; it further
instructs the Department of Education to assist and hold states
accountable in meeting this rigorous requirement. But, as if
denying or ignoring the import of what such assistance necessarily
entails, it leaves in place older language that prohibits the
department from endorsing programs or dictating local decisions
about curricula. The IG and some in Congress have interpreted this
prohibition as trumping the mandate to guide the states and hold
them accountable, but no legal guidance has been issued
establishing that this is so.
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A New Breed
The goal of Reading First is for all children to read
at grade level by the end of 3rd grade. The law instructs the U.S.
Department of Education to make sure that states and districts use funds
for curricula and practices that are grounded in
“scientifically-based reading research,” as defined by the
National Reading Panel report commissioned by Congress and published in
2000.
The report identified five interlocking elements
essential to effective reading instruction. Reading programs funded by
Reading First must include explicit, systematic instruction in these five
elements: 1) the ability to hear and manipulate the individual sounds,
known as phonemes, that make up words—referred to as “phonemic
awareness” (the word “cat” has three phonemes); 2)
phonics, the relationship of phonemes to the letters that represent them in
written language; 3) fluency, the ability to read text accurately and
quickly; 4) vocabulary development; and 5) comprehension strategies.
In addition, as a condition of funding, Reading First
schools must administer timely classroom assessments and must adjust
instruction as needed for every child based on the results.
The emphasis on early intervention to prevent failure
in the nation’s youngest and most at-risk students marks a major
break from the unsuccessful remediation models of the past three decades,
which focused on helping older students after they had already fallen
behind. Indeed, Reading First’s commonsense demand—do what has
been shown to work—amounts to a sea change for teachers, principals,
curriculum coordinators, publishers, trainers, state education agencies,
colleges of education, professional associations, teacher accreditation
agencies—everybody in the field of reading education.
The initiative’s detailed prescription also
represents a sea change for federal education programs. Beyond prescribing a particular approach to reading instruction,
it also demands scrutiny of all funded activities, every step of the way.
The program is a hybrid: it gives formula grants to states, but to receive their share of funds
(fixed amounts calculated by a formula tied to the states’ levels of
need) states had to submit applications specifying in detail how they would
set up competitive grant
programs for their districts aimed at helping low-performing, high-poverty
schools improve reading instruction in grades K–3. A panel of experts
reviewed the state applications and rejected the initial proposals of
virtually all states, typically because they did not meet the
program’s rigorous criteria. (States were allowed to submit their
applications again and again, until finally all 50 state applications met
all criteria and were accepted. Several states had to submit their
applications more than five times before the panel finally approved their
plans.)
But the vigilance of the federal government
didn’t stop there. It created and funded (at $1.8 million per year
for each) three university-based technical assistance centers to help build
the capacity of state staff to serve their districts, and set aside nearly
$1 million per year to monitor the states and help keep them on track. As a
result, if a state or a funded district fell off the wagon and started
using reading programs not based on scientific research, the
program’s leaders in Washington knew about it and tried to intervene.
That sort of oversight was unprecedented and, most surprisingly, welcomed,
at least by the state directors of Reading First who had seen many federal
programs come and go, and who began to see this new initiative as something
very different and very useful.
State Standouts
As of fall 2007, more than 6,000 elementary schools in
1,700 districts had received Reading First grants, about 10 percent of the
public elementary school market. Making sure these districts and schools
remained faithful to scientifically based reading research fell primarily
to state departments of education (SEAs), agencies with little or no
experience leading instructional change. Yet the crafters of the Reading
First program viewed the states as key leverage points. Indeed, the most
important (and uncertain) premise of Reading First was that it could
catalyze and support meaningful change in the SEAs—could help them
build agile expert systems that gave high-quality support to schools and
districts—and thereby improve reading achievement among the poor, not
just in isolated schools and districts as in the past but across entire states. Toward
that end, the regulations permitted states to retain 20 percent of their
grants (instead of the maximum 5 percent in other programs) for
administration.
To find out if this gambit has paid off, I conducted
about 200 interviews (each lasting an hour or more) from October 2005
through October 2007, with participants at all levels of Reading First,
including directors in 17 states and the federal Bureau of Indian Education
(I interviewed most of these more than once); directors and staff at the
program’s three regional technical assistance centers; external
evaluators of state programs; senior executives at publishing companies
whose core reading programs are in many Reading First districts; trainers
that the state directors cited as particularly effective; and district
personnel whose schools had shown significant gains in reading achievement.
The 17 states are Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado,
Florida, Idaho, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Tennessee, Washington, and West
Virginia. I chose them on the basis of recommendations from trainers,
colleagues, and U.S. Department of Education staff who felt they were
committed to the program and afforded diverse viewpoints on its
implementation. I used these criteria and the strength of the data to
select five case studies.
And, indeed, it appears that the strategy is working,
and not just in terms of promising student results (see sidebar).
The most enduring achievement of Reading First may be that it has nurtured
a group of state leaders who have developed deep expertise in the science
of reading instruction and have been able to get steadily better at helping
the districts teach more children how to read. In states where Reading
First is working, districts look not to their long-standing networks of
consultants and colleges for expertise, but to their state administrators.
This is a bureaucratic revolution.
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Preliminary Results Are Promising
Several studies of Reading First are under way,
including some randomized field trials and a few using quasi-experimental
methods. Until those results are in, we can only make very broad
comparisons between Reading First schools and other schools in each state.
This early evidence is pointing in a positive direction.
For example, in Alabama’s 94 Reading First
schools, the percentage of all 4th graders deemed to be proficient (stanine
5 and above) on the Stanford Achievement Test rose 12.7 points, from 40.1
percent in 2003 to 52.8 percent in 2007, more than twice as fast as the
gain for students at other schools (which rose 5.5 points, from 64.2
percent to 69.7 percent in the same period). The percent proficient jumped
13 points for minority students in Reading First schools and 6.7 points for
minorities at other schools. Reading First schools were 82 percent minority
(mainly black) in 2007, more than twice the percentage in other schools (36
percent).
In Washington state, the percentage of 4th-grade
students meeting or exceeding the grade-level standard on the Washington
Assessment of Student Learning in the first group of 51 schools increased
23.7 points (from 39.7 percent in 2003 to 63.4 percent in 2007), while the
gain statewide during that period was just 9.7 points (from 66.7 to 76.4
percent). The state’s major at-risk subgroups—blacks,
Hispanics, and Native Americans—all posted gains exceeding 20 points.
In Arizona’s first group of 72 schools to win
grants (comprising 1,800 educators and 26,000 students), the percentage of
students meeting or exceeding the standard on Arizona’s state AIMS
(Arizona’s Instrument to Measure Standard) reading test rose from 45
percent in spring of 2004 to 59 percent in spring of 2007, nearly triple
the gain for the state over the same period (62 to 67 percent). The
percentage of 3rd graders meeting oral reading fluency benchmarks on the
widely used Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills (DIBELS)
increased from 28 percent in fall of 2003 to 52 percent in spring of 2006,
more than triple the increase for students at a comparison group of non–Reading
First schools over the same period (31 to 38 percent). The percentage of
English language learners meeting 3rd-grade DIBELS oral reading fluency
benchmarks has more than doubled, from 19 percent in fall 2003 to 41
percent in spring 2007.
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Alabama
“Alabama is light years ahead of everyone else
in closing the achievement gap,” Sandi Jacobs, Reading First’s
former assistant director in Washington, said to me in October of 2005, two
years before the state posted the biggest two-year increase in 4th-grade
reading scores ever recorded on the National Assessment of Educational
Progress.
Until she retired in January, Alabama’s
Katherine Mitchell was the highest-ranking state administrator in the
country whose sole job was to improve reading achievement. No state has
more zealously followed the tenets of Reading First or taken greater
advantage of the program’s flexibilities. Alabama, which launched its
own reading initiative in 1998, has been allowed to amend its Reading First
plan several times and redirect funds to meet a succession of emerging
needs identified by the data and Mitchell’s coaches in the field.
“We don’t ever think a school will know how to do something unless we show
them how to do
it,” Mitchell says. “What varied was how fast the schools could
learn. But we had to teach them all just about everything.”
Like some other states, Alabama requires schools to
choose reading curricula from a short list of programs that have been
certified by the state as based on scientific reading research. Unlike
other states, Alabama pays program vendors to give extra training on their
products. It is the only state to fund not just reading coaches but also
principal coaches, who train principals to be better instructional leaders
and who drive accountability to the district level by ensuring that schools
get support from superintendents and central-office staff.
Arizona
Known as a whole-language state whose districts
protected their independence, Arizona began to change rapidly when Jaime
Molera was appointed state superintendent of instruction in May 2001 and
Reading First was signed into law as part of No Child Left Behind eight
months later. Molera, his successor Tom Horne, and their Reading First
directors, Marie Mancuso and her successor, Kathryn Hrabluk, used the law
to leverage big changes in state reading policy that should endure no
matter what happens in Washington.
“Before Reading First we had several fragmented
statutes that were a reflection of the historic reading wars,”
Mancuso says. “The law really gave our state the foundation we needed
not only to revise them into one coherent piece of legislation, but to
change state board policy, revise our early reading standards to reflect
scientifically based reading research and, most important, provide guidance
to our districts and schools about how to provide a system centered around
a prevention model for early reading achievement. The Reading First award
gave us the resources not just in funds but in technical assistance to
really implement our plan the way we had written it.”
Like Alabama, Arizona committed extra funds, including
$1 million for training, to extend the program’s approach to all its
elementary schools, and has worked with districts to redeploy federal Title
I and Title II funds to pay for reading coaches, training, and
research-based curricula.
Arkansas
Arkansas is among the few states that do not require
Reading First schools to adopt a commercially published core reading
curriculum. Instead, Reading First director Connie Choate has used her
state department of education staff to develop protocols, write materials,
and train educators to provide the functional equivalent and closely track
their results.
Schools are required to teach phonics and phonemic
awareness systematically and explicitly and to use the DIBELS (Dynamic
Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills) to monitor students at least
monthly and adjust instruction as needed. Each school-based Reading First
coach receives at least two weeks’ training by state staff over the
summer, including on the job while teaching summer school (an idea inspired
by Alabama), and 30 days during the school year.
Choate’s staff did a task analysis of student
learning expectations in the state’s English Language Arts standards
(recently strengthened) and wrote 320 mini-lessons for 2nd and 3rd grade.
Special education teachers were given a six-tiered matrix of intervention
procedures for students who need extra instruction and practice. The
statewide literacy-training program was strengthened to include instruction
on fluency-building exercises, interventions, DIBELS, and how to teach
vocabulary.
“As an agency we’re moving from monitoring
to technical assistance—that’s a huge transformation for
us,” Choate says.
Bureau of Indian Education (BIE)
Spread across 23 states, BIE schools pose enormous
challenges. Under the federal Title system, 100 percent of their students
are considered economically disadvantaged and at risk for educational
failure. The percentage identified as learning-disabled is well above the
national average. A high percentage of both students and teachers speak
English as their second language. The entity responsible for
them—like the schools themselves—suffers from high staff
turnover and does not function well. Compared to most SEAs, BIE has minimal
resources. Its Reading First director, Lynann Barbero, has a staff of two
to cover 25 Reading First schools scattered across 11 states.
But Barbero also has two advantages. First, while
state laws often prohibit SEAs from encroaching on district autonomy,
because Barbero’s office in effect is the district, she has been able to intervene directly
in schools where the core curriculum was not working. Second, because of
her background in special education, she knows which curricula work best
for students who are far behind their peers or who need extra practice.
“Most core reading programs are not designed for
kids way below grade level. It’s crazy to have kids sitting in an
ineffective program for 90 minutes before giving them what they really
need,” Barbero says. “We’ve totally stopped that. Kids
identified with intensive needs are put into a replacement core program
right away.”
The new director of BIE, Kevin Skenandore, has decided
to use $2.3 million from a congressional education-enhancement appropriation to expand Reading First to all Bureau schools
serving K–3 students.
“There is no question for the Bureau that this
program is producing results,” says Barbero. “Our data are as
clear as day. We can now say, ‘If you follow the Reading First
guidelines, you’ll get results. If you don’t, you
won’t.’”
Washington
When Lexie Domaradzki took the job as the state of
Washington’s Reading First administrator in 2003—she has since
been promoted to lead administrator for K–12 Reading—she was
determined to shatter the myth that poor children couldn’t learn to
read as well as anybody else. Four years later, she takes it as almost a
personal failure that the 4th graders in her Reading First schools, more
than 3,700 students, have cut the achievement gap with the state by more
than half but haven’t eliminated it.
Like the program’s national director, Chris
Doherty, Domaradzki had worked prior to Reading First with large groups of
schools (as an area manager covering five states for the Success for All
Foundation). Like Jacobs, she had been an elementary-school teacher. She
also has a master’s degree in organizational development, which she
says taught her about how systems can be changed.
“Like Sandi and Chris, we set high expectations
and have worked to meet them with a mix of accountability and
support,” she says. “Organizational culture and results both
have improved dramatically.” So much so that Washington’s
statewide K–12 reading plan is now based on Reading First.
Prescription Works
Reading First is controversial because it is
prescriptive. Simply put, it requires states and districts to follow the
dictates of reason and science when spending taxpayers’ money on
education and holds them accountable if they fail to do so. Navigating
among conservatives who oppose intrusive government, liberals who oppose
President Bush, educators who guard their independence, and commercial
interests who guard their market share, the law’s framers and program
leadership sought to leverage the power of the federal government to attack
a complex pedagogical problem that the federal government was never
designed to solve: illiteracy caused by faulty teaching.
Ironically, the things federal officials were faulted
for are the same things that state Reading First directors say they have
tried to do themselves and that (they say) have made the program so
successful. Doherty and Jacobs selected the best available experts to
review grant proposals, evaluate curricula and assessments, and provide
technical assistance; they steered educators away from approaches of
doubtful efficacy and insisted that they choose among things more likely to
work; they closely monitored implementation and pressed states to intervene
when districts failed to execute their plans for raising student
achievement and to cut off funds when noncompliance was not corrected. Each
of these steps was essential to make the program work, the state directors
say. Each required strong leadership. And each contributed to the backlash
that, to the directors’ dismay, prompted Secretary Spellings (for
reasons and with consequences still unclear) to throw the two staffers
responsible for her “most effective” success story under the
bus.
Says Rick Nelson, a retired teacher and former
president of the American Federation of Teachers local in Fairfax County,
Virginia: “State standards and No Child Left Behind gave teachers a
knife and said: serve those peas faster, longer! Reading First gives 10
percent of teachers a serving spoon.” He might have added: but if you
work in Washington, best not get caught telling anyone how to hold the
spoon.
Shepard Barbash is former bureau chief in Mexico City
for the Houston Chronicle and a freelance writer whose work has appeared in The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post,
Smithsonian Magazine, and other publications.
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