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CHECK THE FACTS: The NCES Private-Public School Study
By Paul E. Peterson and Elena Llaudet
Findings are other than they seem
Checked:
Henry Braun, Frank Jenkins, and
Wendy Grigg. 2006. “Comparing
Private Schools and Public Schools
Using Hierarchical Linear Modeling,”
U.S. Department of Education,
Institute of Education Sciences,
National Center for Education Statistics,
NCES 2006-461.
Checked by Paul E. Peterson and
Elena Llaudet
On July 14, 2006, the U.S. Department of Education’s
National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) released a study
that compared the performance in reading and math of 4th and 8th
graders attending private and public
schools. The study had been undertaken at the request of the NCES
by the Educational Testing Service (ETS). Using information from a
national sample of public and private school students collected in
2003 as part of the National Assessment of Educational Progress
(NAEP), ETS compared the test scores of public school students with
those of students in all private schools, taken together.
Separately, it compared student performance in public schools with
that in Catholic, Lutheran, and evangelical Protestant schools.
According to the NCES study, students attending
private schools performed better than students attending public
schools. But after statistical adjustments were made for student
characteristics, the private school advantage among
4th graders disappeared, giving way to a 4.5-point public school
advantage in math and parity between the sectors in reading. After the
same adjustments were made for 8th graders, private schools retained a
7-point advantage in reading but achieved only parity in math.
But, in fact, the NCES study’s measures
of student characteristics are
flawed. Using the same data but substituting
better measures of student characteristics, we estimated three
alternative models that identify a private school advantage in nearly
all comparisons. Similar results are found for Catholic and Lutheran
schools taken separately, while evangelical Protestant schools achieve
parity with public schools in math and have an advantage in reading
(see Figure 1).
The results from our alternative models should not
be understood as evidence that private schools outperform public
schools. Without information on prior student achievement, one cannot
make judgments about schools’ efficacy in raising student test
scores. Thus, NAEP data cannot be used to compare the performance of
private and public schools. However, our results clearly reveal the
shortcomings of the NCES study—shortcomings so deep-seated that
their purported findings lack credibility. In fact, in view of the criticisms received, NCES is reconsidering the
propriety of its involvement in studies of this sort. “This is
not what we should be doing.… Our job is to collect the data and get it out the
door,” said Mark Schneider, the commissioner of NCES, in a recent
interview with Education Week.
Problems with the NCES Model
The NCES analysis is at serious risk of having
produced biased estimates of the performance of public and private
schools. The study’s adjustment for student characteristics
suffered from two sorts of problems: a) inconsistent classification
of student characteristics across sectors, and b) inclusion of
student characteristics open to school influence.
Classification Bias
To avoid bias, classification must be
consistent for both groups under study. The NCES study repeatedly
violates this rule when it infers a student’s background from
his or her participation in federal programs intended to serve
disadvantaged students. Public and private school officials have
quite different obligations and incentives to classify students as
participants in these federal programs: a) the Title I program for
disadvantaged students; b) the free and reduced-price lunch
programs; c) programs for those classified as Limited English
Proficient (LEP); and d) special education, as indicated by having
an Individualized Education Program (IEP). As a result, NCES
undercounted the incidence of disadvantage in the private sector
and overcounted its incidence in the public sector.
Title I. If a
public school has a schoolwide Title I program, which is permitted
if 40 percent of its students are eligible for free or
reduced-price lunch, then every student at the
school—regardless of poverty level—is said to be a
recipient of Title I services. By contrast, private schools cannot
directly receive Title I funds nor can they operate Title I
programs. Instead, private schools must negotiate arrangements with
local public school districts, which then provide Title I services
to eligible students. Many private schools lack the administrative
capacity to handle these complex negotiations or do not wish to
make available services that they will not administer, making
private school participation haphazard. In the 2003–04 school
year, only 19 percent of private schools were reported by the U.S.
Department of Education (DOE) to participate in Title I, compared
to 54 percent of public schools.
Free Lunch. Access
to free or reduced-price lunch is also an imperfect indicator of a
student’s family income. According to official DOE
statistics, nearly 96 percent of public schools participated in the
National School Lunch Program in the 2003–04 school year,
while only 24 percent of private schools did so. The disparities
are explained in part by the greater administrative challenges the
private sector faces, not just by differences in the neediness of
the children it serves. The administration of the school lunch
program is generally organized within the central office of each
school district so that local schools are buffered from the
responsibility of dealing with state officials. Private schools
that seek to participate in the program usually must work directly
with the state department of education, and many appear to have
concluded that the burden of compliance with federal regulations
governing the program outweighs any benefits low-income children
might receive. Furthermore, as many as one-fifth of the public
school students participating in the free lunch program may not be
in fact eligible, a Department of Agriculture study has shown.
In short, using these two variables as
indicators of family background undercounts the incidence of
poverty among students in private schools and overcounts its
incidence in public schools. In the alternative models discussed
below, we employ two other indicators of family background that are
less at risk of classification bias. The first, parental education,
is well known to be a particularly appropriate control variable, as
other studies have shown that it is the background variable most
highly correlated with student achievement. Based on this
indicator, 69 percent of 4th graders in public schools had parents
with a college education, compared to 85 percent of those in the
private school sector. The second indicator, region of the country
in which the school is located, as well as its rural, urban, or
suburban location, is also appropriate inasmuch as student
performance is known to vary significantly by locality. Private
schools are located disproportionately in central cities and in the
Northeast.
Limited English Proficient (LEP). Eleven percent of the
4th graders in public schools were classified as Limited English
Proficient “according to school records,” while only 1
percent of private school 4th graders were so classified. Among 8th
graders, the percentages were 6 and 0 percent, respectively. While
LEP was used by NCES as the indicator of students’ language
skills, other information in the NAEP data suggests that sector
differences in language background are not that extreme. When 4th
graders themselves were asked how often a language other than
English was spoken at home, 18 percent in the public sector replied
“all or most of the time” as did 12 percent in the
private sector. Also, the percentage of students in the public
sector who were Hispanic was 19 percent, while it was 9 percent in
the private sector. The percentage of students who were Asian was
approximately the same in the two sectors.
To avoid undercounting those students in the
private sector with language difficulties, we substitute for the
LEP indicator the students’ own reports of the frequency that
a language other than English was spoken in their home. While
students may not always accurately report this information, there
is no reason to expect errors to vary systematically by school
sector.
Special Education. Fourteen
percent of the public school 4th graders were reported to have an
Individualized Education Program (IEP), while only 4 percent of
4th-grade students in private schools had an IEP. Among 8th
graders, the percentages were 14 and 3, respectively. The NCES
study assumes that these differences accurately describe the
incidence of disability in the public and private sector. However,
public schools must, by law, provide students with an IEP if it is
determined that the student has a disability, while private schools
have no such legal obligation. In addition, public schools receive
extra state and federal funding for students so identified.
Although some private schools also receive financial support for
IEP students, the administrative costs of classifying students may
dissuade private officials from seeking that aid unless
disabilities are severe.
IEP participation may thus undercount the
incidence of disability within the private sector. As a substitute
for IEP, we use an indicator of whether the student received an IEP
because of a severe or moderate disability. Six percent of the 4th
graders in public schools were identified as having a severe or
moderate disability while only 1 percent of those in the private
sector were so identified.
Student Characteristics Open to School
Influence
Characteristics influenced by the school the
students are attending will bias estimates if they are included in
statistical adjustments for student background. Three variables
open to school influence were included in the NCES analysis: a) the
student’s absenteeism rate; b) number of books in the
student’s home; and c) availability of a computer in the
student’s home. NCES assumed absenteeism to be solely a
function of a student’s background; yet, it is not
unreasonable to believe that schools have an effect on
students’ attendance records. In the same way, school
policies—school requirements, homework, and conferences with
parents, for example—can affect what is available in
students’ homes. In the third alternative model, we eliminate
these variables.
Results from the Alternative Models
In order to check the sensitivity of NCES
results to the particular methodology that was employed, we first
replicated the results from the NCES study’s primary model.
With that accomplished, it was possible to identify the
consequences of relaxing the questionable assumptions that
underpinned the NCES model.
Figure 1 reports the original NCES results for
public and private schools (both sectors taken as a whole), and
then those from the three alternative models. These models
gradually exclude the NCES variables that suffered from the biases
discussed above, replacing them with better measures of student
characteristics. Alternative Model I substitutes parents’
education and the location of the school for the Title I and Free
Lunch variables in the NCES study. In addition, Model II replaces
the LEP indicator with student reports of the frequency with which
a language other than English is spoken at home and replaces the
IEP indicator with teacher reports of whether the child was given
an IEP because of a profound or moderate disability. Finally, Model
III, while keeping the other improvements, eliminates the
absenteeism, computer, and books-in-the-home variables, thereby
avoiding the inclusion of student characteristics that can be
influenced by the school. Some may think that Model III does not
include sufficient indicators of the student’s family
background. Those for whom this is a concern should place greater
weight on Model II.
The number of observations under study drops
significantly when moving from the NCES model to Model I, in part
because many students did not report the level of education their
parents had attained. To ascertain whether results were influenced
by the change in the size of the sample under analysis, we ran the
NCES model on the same sample of observations as used in Model I.
The results were reassuring, as the estimated coefficients of the
effect of the private sector as a whole were never more than half a
point away from those obtained from the whole sample.
According to the alternative models, in
8th-grade math, the private school advantage varies between 3 and
6.5 test points; in reading, it varies between 9 and 12.5 points.
Among 4th graders in math, parity is observed in one model, but
private schools outperform public schools by 2 and 3 points in the
other two models; in 4th-grade reading, private schools have an
advantage that ranges from 7 to 10 points.
The results for Catholic schools using the
alternative models are very similar to those of the private sector
as a whole. Lutheran schools are estimated to have a larger
advantage in math and a similar one in reading when compared to the
results of the private sector taken together. And evangelical
Protestant schools are found to perform at a similar level to
public schools in math but at a higher level in reading. Detailed
results for these separate categories of private schools are
available at www.educationnext.org.
Summing Up
Let us be clear. We do not offer our results as
evidence that private schools outperform public schools but rather
as a demonstration of the dependence of the NCES results on
questionable analytic decisions. Although the alternative models
are an improvement on the NCES analysis, no conclusions should be
drawn about causal relationships from these or any other results
based on snapshot NAEP test scores.
Asked by Education
Week to comment on our findings,
the lead author of the NCES report freely acknowledged the problems
with some of the variables used in the NCES analysis, but asserted
that our alternative models may be “underadjusting for the
disadvantage in the public sector” because we do not control
separately for mothers’ and fathers’ education.
While this is desirable in principle, in practice it would
have significantly reduced the number of observations available to
use as fewer than half of the 4th graders, for example, reported
the educational attainment of both parents. Despite this
limitation, our main conclusion still stands: NAEP data are too
fragile to be used to measure the relative effectiveness of public
and private schools. Making judgments about causality based on
observations at one point in time is highly problematic, so much so
that it is surprising that NCES commissioned a study to analyze the
NAEP data set for this purpose.
Fortunately, the practice seems to have come
to an end. Commissioner Schneider has stated that his agency should
not have initiated the study and NCES will in the future refrain
from analyses of the raw data that it collects. Let’s hope
that private researchers also exercise responsibility by not using
NAEP data for purposes for which they are clearly not suited.
Paul E. Peterson is professor of
government at Harvard University and a senior fellow at the
Hoover Institution. He serves as editor-in-chief of Education Next. Elena
Llaudet is a research associate in the Harvard Department of
Government, where she is pursuing her Ph.D.
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