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THE REAGAN YEARS: Morning in America
By Edwin J. Feulner, Jr.
Reagan rebuilt the Presidency.
Ronald Reagan changed the political landscape in ways that, just a few years
ago, seemed unthinkable. Today even liberals use words that eight years ago
would have branded them as reactionary turncoats.
Even his most ardent opponents acknowledge that Mr. Reagan dramatically
changed the tone of the nation. Jimmy Carter, in a 1979 speech, said America
suffered from a "malaise." America was also suffering from Sky- high
interest rates, inflation, and unemployment, and its prestige abroad had hit
rock bottom-not things that inspire revelry.
What Mr. Carter didn't say was that part of a president's job is to help
shape national attitudes. If America was on a "downer," he shared the
blame. On came President Reagan, saying, "It's morning in America,"
'Jobs and growth instead of tax and spend," and pledging to free the
entrepreneurial spirit from excessive taxation and regulation.
The establishment intelligentsia dismissed such rhetoric as corny and
simplistic, as indeed it would have been had there been no substance behind it.
As it was, the president's rhetorical skills helped restore the image of
forceful, dynamic leadership to the office of the presidency, and this was
crucial in galvanizing support for his policies.
The result? Simply compare today's "misery index" the sum of the
unemployment and inflation rates-with what it was when Mr. Reagan took office.
For that matter, compare it to that of West Germany, often held up as a model
for the United States to emulate. As so many Europeans have come to realize, the
economic statistics show that whatever Mr. Reagan did worked far better than
their governments' policies.
One can still hear talk of "the necessity" of raising taxes, but
the Reagan years have made it impossible to repress the snickers. The least we
should have learned in the last eight years is that cutting taxes and minimizing
regulation spur economic growth and generate revenue.
Whopping deficits develop if spending rises faster than revenues. But the
federal deficit has grown not because taxes were cut but because spending, even
spending on social programs, wasn't cut enough. The president's chief failure in
domestic policy was his unwillingness to use his veto power to force Congress to
revise its so-called budget process.
By transferring responsibilities from Washington to the states and cities,
Mr. Reagan showed that they can be laboratories where a wide variety of
public-policy experiments can be carried out with flexibility and sensitivity to
local conditions. The federal bureaucracy, by contrast, is remote, elephantine,
arthritic.
America Standing Tall
Some of the least-noted of Mr. Reagan's accomplishments were in foreign
policy. Arms control, Nicaragua, and, in recent years, the Iran/Contra affair
have received the most attention. Mr. Reagan's inability to persuade Congress to
prevent the Sandinistas from solidifying a second Communist regime in this
hemisphere-not the Iran/Contra affair-was the president's worst foreign policy
failure.
But in the meantime, passing almost unnoticed, has been a worldwide spread of
democratic capitalism that in no small measure owes itself to Mr. Reagan's
commitment. The democratic tide has swept Central and South America and Asia.
The Philippines, Taiwan, and South Korea all have liberalized their societies to
degrees that would have seemed incredible in the 1970s, and may not have been
possible without the administration's finetuned support.
Only Grenada has been liberated during the Reagan era. But no nation has
fallen to Communism, and the Soviets have pulled out of Afghanistan.
The jury is still out on the president's arms control initiatives. Serious
questions remain about verification and compliance. In the long run, what will
be more important than any arms control treaty or the strengthening of United
States armed forces is the Strategic Defense Initiative.
Technology offers the possibility of a system designed to defend ourselves
from enemy attack instead of constantly building more weapons to insure that we
can retaliate if attacked. SDI research is not a certain
path to world peace any more than cancer research is a certain path to health,
but the goals are no less worth the price. Mr. Reagan's initiative could be
historic.
It is easy to forget that one can't reverse the direction of the Washington
elephant overnight or even in eight years. Considering that Mr. Reagan swam
against the tide of congressional opposition, his accomplishments are all the
more remarkable.
His agenda, to be sure, is far from finished. Federal spending still rages
out of control. Business and capital gains taxes are still too high. Initiatives
to reform Medicare and Social Security have been inadequate. The Reagan Doctrine
has yet to liberate even one nation from Communism. SDI suffers from inadequate
funding. These must be top priorities for George Bush.
Presidents leave lasting legacies by establishing new frameworks for public
policy debates. Franklin D. Roosevelt's policies culminated with Lyndon B.
Johnson's Great Society programs 21 years after FDR's death. The new framework
that Mr. Reagan created has spawned a generation of new institutions staffed by
young people who have abandoned the delusions of their counterparts in the
1960s. just as the Roosevelt era gave way only eight years ago, the full flower
of Ronald Reagan's era will come in the next century.
This article is adapted from a column in The New York Times on Friday, January 22, 1988.
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