The Sources of Anti-Americanism

March 12, 2008

Global Perceptions

In a sight not uncommon in the Middle East, thousands of people lined the streets of Damascus, Syria, angrily chanting the now-familiar tandem curses of “death to America” and “death to Israel.” Such government-sponsored protests of Israeli military operations in the Gaza strip in late February have become a seemingly routine response in that part of the world, regardless of whether the United States is directly involved.

A continent away and less than a week later, a large crowd of Serbians opposed to the United States’ support of newly independent Kosovo descended on the U.S. embassy in Belgrade, setting fires and breaking windows. Although numerous other nations supported Kosovo’s break from Serbia, America took the brunt of protesters’ ill will.

Displays of anti-Americanism are not limited to fiery mob scenes and chanting marchers. The United States also has been the target of inflammatory rhetoric from a large cast of world leaders. During a now-infamous speech at the United Nations, Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez called President George W. Bush “the devil”; in another speech Chávez used the word “imperialist” dozens of times in referring to the United States. Even outgoing Russian president Vladimir Putin – once viewed as an ally in the war on terror – has verbally attacked the United States, likening U.S. foreign policy to that of Hitler’s Third Reich.

Anti-Americanism: Nothing New

History shows that anti-American sentiment has existed since the nation’s founding, encompassing a wide range of sources and expressions, including ideological opposition to American culture and values, as well as those at variance with United States’ foreign and domestic policies.

In the wake of the French Revolution, various European thinkers, from Nietzsche to Heidegger, labeled America—and Americans—as culturally and spiritually bankrupt. Some Europeans feared the transatlantic spread of American values would have a negative effect on European ideals. As Nietzsche warned, "The breathless haste with which they [the Americans] work--the distinctive vice of the new world--is already beginning ferociously to infect old Europe and is spreading a spiritual emptiness over the continent."

During the Industrial Revolution, various continental writers and philosophers faulted the United States for overvaluing modernization and mechanization; others resented American leadership in the struggle against communism. After World War II, America’s growing status as a superpower elicited envy from its economic and political rivals on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Furthermore, America’s principled support of Israel, the sole democracy in the Middle East, elicited fantasies of a U.S.-backed Jewish conspiracy, as the ideologies of anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism intertwined.

During the cold war, in the context of the sharp competition between the United States and the Soviet Union, communist-inspired anti-American protests burgeoned throughout the world.  During the Vietnam War, anti-Americanism colored the frequent calls for condemnation of the United States by foreign leaders in official speeches; it was part and parcel of many delegations’ vitriolic remarks before the United Nations’ General Assembly; and it became de rigueur among certain members of the media and entertainment industries. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism, many expected anti-Americanism to dissipate; historians noted that the number of aggressive, overt displays of anti-Americanism initially declined.

Despite a period of relative peace and reduced tensions, however, experts opined that America’s rise to a position of virtually unopposed dominance during the 1990s would soon fuel a growing wave of anti-American sentiment throughout the world. Although the September 11, 2001, attacks at first elicited sympathy, hostile responses soon prevailed:  some claimed that the United States had deserved the attacks or  that the United States had orchestrated them to justify the wars in the Middle East. Given the widespread distrust of the United States, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq provided a pretext for fervid displays of anti-Americanism, especially in Europe and the Middle East.

Not So Friendly Allies

In an article in the U.K. Telegraph, Hoover senior fellow Naill Ferguson explains that unfriendly attitudes toward the United States come from an unlikely source: “It's not America's enemies who hate the United States most,” Ferguson points out, “it's people in countries that are supposed to be America's friends, if not allies.”

In 2005, Hoover research fellow Tod Lindberg cochaired a 2005 Working Group on anti-Americanism that uncovered evidence linking negative opinions of the United States and its policies with decreased European support for U.S. efforts to fight terrorism. Likewise, the Pew Global Attitudes Project reported a steady decline in favorable opinions of the United States from citizens in various countries including, close allies such as Great Britain, Germany, and Japan (see graph). Additionally, the poll reported that many global citizens see the U.S. military presence in Iraq as a danger to world peace on par with the threat posed by North Korea and the Israeli-Palestine conflict.

The Bottom Line

The effects of anti-Americanism have not been limited to the political sphere.  According to a poll by Edelman (an international public relations and opinion research firm), 55 percent of surveyed British, German, and French citizens reported being less inclined to buy U.S. goods as a result of their disagreement with the policies of the Bush administration.  Thirty-two percent said they are less likely to purchase U.S.-made goods because of their overall dislike of American culture.

Another poll, conducted by the market research firm Global Market Insight, echoes the Edelman findings. Of 8,000 people surveyed, 20 percent stated they would avoid buying U.S. products because of their unhappiness with U.S. foreign policy.

Hoover senior fellow Russell Berman is unconvinced that anti-Americanism has any real effects on business. He points out that, despite the recent rash of anti-Americanism, “It remains to be seen if anti-Americanism really has consequences for business. McDonald’s does very well, of all countries, in France.” Berman also notes “many companies have shown remarkable ingenuity in their ability to adapt their marketing strategies according to local customs, thereby minimizing their overall ‘American’ appearance.”

Driving Forces

A report issued by the Pew Research Center cites a number of causes of anti-Americanism, including America’s support of Israel, dislike of President George W. Bush, and a widespread belief that the United States invaded Iraq primarily to control its oil reserves. Other grievances against the United States include the treatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison, the CIA’s interrogation tactics, and America’s environmental policies.

Former Hoover national fellow Jeremi Suri believes that, whatever the impetus, anger toward the United States is often misguided. “Most protesters,” Suri points out, “particularly those in Western Europe, have benefited enormously from American generosity and goodwill in the decades since the Second World War.”

As for the international backlash against the United States’ presence in Iraq, Suri suggests that those negative opinions are likely displaced. “Opposition to American policy in Iraq is not really about Iraq,” Suri contends. “It is a reaction against the exercise of military power by American and other national leaders.”

Berman, who authored Anti-Americanism in Europe: A Cultural Problem, agrees that the current wave of anti-U.S. sentiment is rooted in more than a singular act or one war, arguing “anti-Americanism, instead, involves a global judgment, an enormous stereotype, driven by fears regarding democracy and capitalism.” Berman posits that anti-Americanism is driven by forces beyond the Iraq war, America’s support of Israel, or U.S. environmental policies. Rather, Berman believes that mistrust in America stems from two ideas that are often associated with the United States: free market capitalism and liberal democracy. According to Berman, most displays of anti-Americanism likely indicate resentment against capitalism or suspicions of democracy—or both.

A Convenient Target

The U.S. government, keenly aware of its image abroad, spends close to $1 billion each year on its public diplomacy programs—much of it targeting Muslim populations. As part of this outreach effort, the State Department’s Office of Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs works to “foster a sense of common interests and common values between Americans and people of different countries, cultures and faiths throughout the world.”

Projects launched by the ongoing campaigns include the distribution of films depicting American multiculturalism, international sports and student exchange opportunities, websites aimed at youth exploring cultural issues, health-care outreach initiatives, and radio and television programs promoting shared cultural values. 

Berman contends that such programs may reduce anti-Americanism but will never eliminate it. He believes that, when it comes to anti-Americanism, the United States is the victim of its own success. With the cold war over, nations once reliant on the United States for protection against the Soviet juggernaut are now free to criticize—and disagree with—U.S. values and policies. And as the globalization of business, communication, and other sectors creates increased, worldwide competition, America’s high-profile dominance and involvement in global affairs makes it a convenient target.  As Berman explains, “Because America is assumed to have unlimited power, it can be given unlimited blame.” —Michelle Bussenius, Editor