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    James W. Ceaser

    James W. Ceaser

    James Ceaser is the Harry F. Byrd Professor of Politics at the University of Virginia, director of the Program for Constitutionalism and Democracy, and was a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is the author of several books on American politics and American political thought, including...

    E.g., 2021-12-05
    E.g., 2021-12-05

    Jim Mattis on Call Sign Chaos: Learning to Lead

    Research | Articles
    Tuesday, May 5, 2020

    Call Sign Chaos is Jim Mattis’s memoir of his lifelong journey from marine recruit to four-star general and secretary of defense. It’s also the story of his quest to learn from every experience and pass on those lessons, so that future generations can plan better, lead better, and do and be better, thus creating a safer and more successful United States and world.

    Don Boudreaux on Coase

    Research | Articles
    Monday, October 28, 2013
    Don Boudreaux of George Mason University and Cafe Hayek talks with EconTalk host Russ Roberts about the intellectual legacy of Ronald Coase. The conversation centers on Coase's four most important academic articles. Most of the discussion is on two...

    How the West Really Lost God

    Research | Articles | by Mary Eberstadt
    Friday, June 1, 2007

    A new look at secularization.

    Anti-Semitism and Ethnicity in Europe

    Research | Articles | by John Rosenthal
    Wednesday, October 1, 2003

    When the thinking is bad, the consequences can be worse

    Russia: Too Sick to Matter?

    Research | Articles | by Nicholas Eberstadt
    Tuesday, June 1, 1999

    Vodka and heart disease weaken the Russian bear

    The Monochrome Society

    Research | Articles | by Amitai Etzioni
    Thursday, February 1, 2001

    Americanness and the unsung agreement across racial lines

    How Eminent Domain Ran Amok

    Research | Articles | by Carla T. Main
    Saturday, October 1, 2005

    Kelo and the debate over economic development takings

    The Colonial Roots of American Taxation, 1607-1700

    Research | Articles | by Alvin Rabushka
    Thursday, August 1, 2002

    The low-tax beginnings of American prosperity

    The Social Security Challenge

    Research | Articles | by Charles Blahous
    Wednesday, December 1, 2010
    To save the program, clarify the problems

    The Perfect Officer

    Research | Articles | by Henrik Bering
    Monday, August 1, 2011
    Military brass throughout history

    The Right to Private Property

    Research | Essays | by Tibor R. Machan
    Tuesday, October 1, 2002

    If there is one really serious intellectual and cultural problem with capitalism, it stems from the lack of a sustained and widely known, let alone accepted, moral defense of the institution of private property rights.

    Few doubt, in today’s world, that a society with a legal infrastructure that lacks this institution is in serious economic trouble. The failure to respect and legally protect the institution of private property—and its corollaries, such as freedom of contract and of setting the terms by the parties to the trade—has produced economic weakness across the globe. But many also believe that this institution is not founded on anything more solid than the arbitrary will of the government to grant privileges of ownership (for the latest statement of this position, see Liam Murphy and Thomas Nagel, The Myth of Ownership [Oxford University Press, 2002]).

    Without a moral, prelegal defense, the institution of private property, which is the source of a great many benefits to us all, will forever remain vulnerable to the critics, starting with Karl Marx, who said that “the right of man to property is the right to enjoy his possessions and dispose of the same arbitrarily, without regard for other men, independently from society, the right of selfishness.” This essay argues that, contrary to widespread academic sentiments and impressions, the institution of private property rights fully accords with a sensible conception of human morality, indeed, rests on a solid moral foundation.

    The Economic Effects of the Liability System

    Research | Essays | by Daniel P. Kessler
    Tuesday, June 1, 1999

    Liability law has two principal objectives: compensation of parties injured in accidents and deterrence of negligent behavior of potential injurers. Considerable evidence, however, suggests that the current liability system in the United States achieves neither. The system has high transaction costs and fails to compensate injured parties appropriately. There is evidence that liability pressure has distorted firms' incentives for innovation. In the health care sector, liability pressure has led to defensive medicine--precautionary treatments with minimal medical benefit administered out of fear of legal liability.

    This essay summarizes recent empirical research on the economic effects of liability-reducing reforms to tort law. The strategy of this research is to compare time trends in economic outcomes from states that adopted law reforms with trends in outcomes from states that did not, controlling for other determinants of the outcomes in question. Differences in trends between the two types of states provide an estimate of the effect of the reforms.

    In general, this research suggests that reductions in the level of liability improve productive efficiency. But even if these studied reforms improve efficiency, they may not improve the performance of the system in terms of the compensation goal. The essay concludes with a discussion of the potential effects of a wide range of largely untried reforms to the liability system, some advocating radical changes to the allocation of responsibility for accidental injuries, that seek to address both compensation and deterrence goals.

    Welfare for the Well-Off: How Business Subsidies Fleece Taxpayers

    Research | Essays
    Saturday, May 1, 1999

    Federal subsidies to U.S. businesses now cost American taxpayers nearly $100 billion a year. If all corporate welfare programs were eliminated, Congress would have enough money to entirely eliminate the capital gains tax and the death tax. Alternatively, Congress could cut the personal and corporate income tax by 10 percent across the board. Either of these alternatives would do far more to enhance the competitiveness of U.S. industry than the current industrial policy approach of trying to help American companies one at a time.

    Federal subsidies to corporate America take many forms: direct grant payments, below-market insurance, direct loans and loan guarantees, trade protection, contracts for unneeded activities, and unjustified special interest loopholes in the tax code. Despite their promises to downsize government, congressional Republicans have retreated from any serious attempt to reduce business subsidies. The Clinton administration has routinely requested budgetary increases for corporate handouts, including the Export Import Bank, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and the Commerce Department's Advanced Technology Program.

    This study refutes common myths about corporate welfare programs: that they create jobs and promote growth; that they =`level the playing field=' with our foreign competitors; that they help small businesses; and that the payments are provided without regard to political considerations. The main effects of industrial policy programs are to undermine the free enterprise system and corrupt the political system. Congress should get businesses off the dole and use the savings to cut taxes, reduce the national debt or both.

    Affirmative Action in Higher Education: A Dilemma of Conflicting Principles

    Research | Essays | by John H. Bunzel
    Wednesday, July 1, 1998

    As a university president in the 1970s (San Jose State) and then as a researcher and writer, Bunzel's long involvement with affirmative action in higher education has led him to conclude that the troubling issues of race and equality cannot be reduced to the easy categories of "right" versus "wrong." He objects to such moral absolutism (also reflected in California's Proposition 209) because it denies legitimacy to the inevitable complexities and nuances inherent in what he regards as a many-sided problem. Affirmative action in college admissions, he argues, must ultimately be viewed in relation to other competing principles and in light of many practical problems.

    In trying to balance different claims and interests within a "theory of limits," Bunzel believes a more useful way to think about affirmative action is in terms of a "social contribution theory of universities." Thus he asks (among other questions), "Is some degree of race consciousness never defensible?" He does not think there is only one morally correct answer. Acknowledging that race has too often been considered excessively and sub rosa, he rejects both of the ideologically pure extremes--namely, that anything that overcomes the disadvantages of race is acceptable and that taking race into account is never appropriate under any circumstances.

    The Great Society: A New History with Amity Shlaes

    Research | Articles
    Friday, March 20, 2020

    TRANSCRIPT ONLY

    This week on Uncommon Knowledge, a conversation with author and historian Amity Shlaes on her new book, Great Society: A New History.

    The Challenges Of Reforming Health Care In A Partisan Era

    Research | Videos
    Tuesday, April 11, 2017

    Ideas to reform health care, elections, politicians, society, and the family with Avik Roy and John Podhoretz.

    Uncommon Knowledge In Copenhagen: Revitalizing Democracies Around The World

    Research | Videos
    Thursday, July 26, 2018

    Building an Alliance of Democracies.

    Pathways To Economic Opportunity In The 21st Century: A Case Study On How The California Community Colleges Modernized To Deliver On Its Workforce Mission

    Research | Essays | by Van Ton-Quinlivan
    Monday, May 6, 2019

    Since 2012, the California Community Colleges (CCC) system has been driving transformation of its workforce mission to better address labor market needs. From 2012–2018, the California Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office (CCCCO) deepened its commitment to modernizing the system’s career and technical education (CTE) programs and infrastructure. The approach taken by the CCCCO was informed by two public policy principles surfaced through the convenings of the California Economic Summit: 1) approach the State as a set of regional economies rather than a monolithic one, and 2) expand CTE capacity in order to provide skilled workers needed by regional economies.

    Condoleezza Rice: Director Of The Hoover Institution

    Research | Articles
    Friday, September 11, 2020

    TRANSCRIPT ONLY

    Uncommon Knowledge with Peter Robinson is proud to present the first interview with Condoleezza Rice in her new role as Director of the Hoover Institution. On September 1st, 2020 Director Rice became the Hoover Institution's eighth director in its 101 year history and the first woman to hold the position.

    Checks, Balances, and Wartime Detainees

    Research | Articles | by Benjamin Wittes
    Friday, April 1, 2005

    The Supreme Court mediates as Congress abdicates

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