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    James W. Ceaser

    James W. Ceaser

    James Ceaser is the Harry F. Byrd Professor of Politics at the University of Virginia, director of the Program for Constitutionalism and Democracy, and was a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is the author of several books on American politics and American political thought, including...

    E.g., 2021-12-05
    E.g., 2021-12-05

    Forty Years of Originalism

    Research | Articles | by Joel Alicea
    Friday, June 1, 2012
    The development and future of a judicial philosophy

    ALEXANDER THE GREAT: Alexander Hamilton

    Research | Videos
    Friday, April 15, 2005

    Alexander Hamilton, the first secretary of the treasury, may today be better known for his death in a duel with Aaron Burr, than for the role he played as a founder of the nascent United States. His vision of a federal, mercantile nation was in opposition to Thomas Jefferson's vision of an agrarian society. Who won this battle of ideas and why? Just what is the enduring legacy of Alexander Hamilton? Peter Robinson speaks with Ron Chernow.

    REAGAN'S WAR: Who Won the Cold War

    Research | Videos
    Monday, November 11, 2002

    Did Ronald Reagan win the cold war? It's been a dozen years since its end—time enough to look back on the era with some historical perspective. And one question that historians continue to argue about is the role that Ronald Reagan, the man and his policies, played in bringing the cold war to an end. To what extent did Reagan's cold war strategy build on efforts of previous administrations and to what extent was it new? Did the Soviet Union collapse as a result of external pressure or internal weakness?

    THE HIGH (AND MIGHTY) COURT: Judicial Supremacy

    Research | Videos
    Monday, October 27, 2003

    Did the framers of the United States Constitution intend that the Supreme Court be the sole and final interpreter of the Constitution, with the power to place binding decisions on the executive and legislative branches? Or did they intend that the Supreme Court have the final say only on the legal cases that came before it, thus permitting the executive and legislative branches to have wide latitude in interpreting the Constitution for themselves? The former view, that of judicial supremacy, is the dominant view of the Supreme Court today, accepted, for the most part, both within government and in society more generally. Is this view supported by the Constitution? If not, why and when did it arise? Should we support judicial supremacy, or is it time to rein in the Supreme Court?

    OUT FOR A CONSTITUTIONAL: The Supreme Court and the Constitution

    Research | Videos
    Friday, September 27, 2002

    The Supreme Court has the final authority on all matters of law under the U.S. Constitution. But what legal philosophy should the Supreme Court use to reach its decisions? Should the Court merely hand down rules based on the text of a fixed, or "dead," Constitution? Or should the Court apply standards that are based on interpretations of a "living" Constitution that evolves as our society changes? These fundamentally different approaches to constitutional law have created a rift with the current Supreme Court. How serious is this rift? Who's right? And to what extent are these competing arguments merely covers for ideological positions?

    Audio recording of “Out for a Constitutional” (26:48)

    ANOTHER BRICK IN THE WALL: The Separation of Church and State

    Research | Videos
    Tuesday, January 6, 2004

    The First Amendment of the Constitution declares in part that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." What did this amendment mean to the founders who wrote it? Did they intend to establish an inviolate "wall of separation between church and state"? Or was their intent instead to merely preserve religious freedom and prevent the establishment of a national religion?

    FATHERS KNOWN BEST: The Founding Fathers

    Research | Videos
    Tuesday, September 25, 2001

    Biographies of George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and John Adams and histories of the revolutionary era have been bestsellers and Pulitzer Prize winners in the past several years. What explains this recent surge of interest in the founding fathers of the American nation? What does the fascination with the founding fathers tell us about our own time? What would the founders have to say about the state of the nation today?

    Why Freedom Must Be First

    Research | Essays | by Tibor R. Machan
    Tuesday, October 14, 1997

    Despite repeated criticisms, the political ideal of individual rights--to life, liberty, and property--is very relevant in our time. Although officially affirmed only a couple of centuries ago, the idea has ancient roots and continues to deserve support. It is morally sound and makes possible the most peaceful and prosperous community life for human beings anywhere.

    Yet the view that government ought first and foremost protect our right to freedom is under constant attack, belittlement, and ridicule among many intellectuals, politicians, and the even members of the general population. Despite the miserable failure of collectivist alternatives, many still cling to the vain hope that some version of collectivism--communitarianism, market socialism, economic democracy, and so on--will solve all our problems.

    This essay argues against this misplaced hope and suggests that it is more promising for us to work out the implications of the individualist alternative than to stick to utopian collectivist dreams. Indeed, this is borne out by the fact that many who attack individualism seem to need to distort it first to make their attack carry some measure of plausibility. But such a tactic is duplicitous and should be resisted.

    Glimpses of Economic Liberty

    Research | Articles | by Clint Bolick
    Wednesday, January 12, 2011

    Bit by bit, courts are being forced to ponder the laws and licenses that stifle people’s freedom to work. By Clint Bolick.

    Sovereignty and Democracy

    Research | Articles | by Marc F. Plattner
    Monday, December 1, 2003

    Self-government needs the nation-state

    Nuclear Deterrence, Then and Now

    Research | Articles | by Daniel Gouré
    Sunday, December 1, 2002

    The Cold War is over, but the world remains heavily armed

    Iraq Without a Plan

    Research | Articles | by Michael E. O'Hanlon
    Wednesday, December 1, 2004

    Next time, listen to the generals

    Rage, Hubris, and Regime Change

    Research | Articles | by Ken Jowitt
    Tuesday, April 1, 2003

    The urge to speed History along

    The United States and Russia

    Research | Articles | by James M. Goldgeier
    Monday, October 1, 2001

    Keeping expectations realistic

    Is a Deal within Reach?

    Research | Articles | by Robert Zelnick
    Wednesday, January 12, 2011

    When it comes to Mideast peace talks, this time the optimists may have a case. By Robert Zelnick.

    THE NEXT GREAT LEAP: China and Democracy

    Research | Videos
    Thursday, July 15, 2004

    It has been more than fifteen years since the People's Liberation Army crushed the prodemocracy rallies in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, killing hundreds of students and workers and wounding thousands more. Since then, although stifling political dissent, China has continued to liberalize its economy and is rapidly becoming an economic superpower. Will the explosion of new wealth in China lead to new pressures for democratic reform? And just what is the legacy of Tiananmen? Peter Robinson speaks with William McGurn and Orville Schell.

    THE RELUCTANT EMPIRE: Is America an Imperial Power?

    Research | Videos
    Thursday, October 16, 2003

    George W. Bush, during the 2000 presidential campaign said that "America has never been an empire... We may be the only great power in history that had the chance, and refused." Was then-candidate Bush right when he made those remarks? Or has America become an imperial power in all but name? How do America's unique historical circumstances predispose it to handle the unrivaled power it holds in the world today? And what lessons can we draw from our nearest historical antecedent, the British Empire of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries?

    ENEMIES OF THE STATE: Why the U.S. Is Hated

    Research | Videos
    Thursday, April 18, 2002

    In a 2002 Gallup poll conducted in ten Muslim nations, only 22 percent of the people questioned viewed the United States favorably. Why does the United States foster such hatred in the Islamic world in particular? Is it our foreign policy—our support of Israel and of repressive Arab regimes in the Middle East? Or is it our culture? Does globalization spread American values that are simply antithetical, thus disruptive, to the traditional Islamic view of society? Just what should we do to win this struggle for the hearts and minds of those who despise us around the world?

    Streaming video

    • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aIMxAk_CQk8

    Political Instability as a Source of Growth

    Research | Essays | by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita
    Wednesday, March 1, 2000

    The U.S. government emphasizes the importance of stable political leadership as a necessary condition for economic growth. Contrary to this view, I show that high leadership turnover is strongly associated with high economic growth both in autocracy and in democracy. The effect of "unstable" leadership is stronger in democracies than autocracies because democratic political systems have institutions that promote competition over policy ideas rather than over the distribution of private benefits to cronies. Two institutions are shown to be particularly important in promoting such public goods as a fair legal system, transparent decision making and accounting, a strong national defense, and a healthy, growth-oriented infrastructure. These two institutions are a large selectorate (the set of people with a say in choosing leaders) and a large winning coalition (the set of people whose support keeps the incumbent in office).

    Political leaders are eager to stay in office and, contrary to the neoclassical economic model, are not benign agents of the people in whose name they lead. Because autocrats depend on small groups of supporters, they emphasize the use of private benefits to their cronies as the means to gain political loyalty and stay in office. This means that they generally have little incentive to pay attention to the overall quality of their public policies.

    Democrats, in contrast, require the support of a large coalition to stay in power. Because private rewards have to be spread thinly to many people, democrats find it easier to compete for office by providing public goods that benefit everyone rather than private benefits for a few cronies. This means that, in democracies, political competition is over policy ideas. Two effects follow from the fact that democratic leaders must build large coalitions: Democratic leaders provide better policies to improve their chances of surviving in office, and because competition is over policy ideas, they are more easily turned out of office in favor of a political challenger than are autocrats. Thus, autocrats have longer terms in office and produce less-efficient economic growth. The U.S. government emphasis on stable leadership as a necessary condition for growth is mistaken and can lead to global economic contraction rather than expansion.

    Who Leads The West: Trump Or Merkel?

    Research | Articles | by Russell A. Berman
    Thursday, December 14, 2017

    The constitutional cultures of America and Germany differ markedly­—one prizes individual liberty while the other emphasizes the rational state. 

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