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Monday, September 14, 2020

Issue 67

U.S. Troop Deployments in Germany
Background Essay
Background Essay

America—A European Power No More? Shifting Tectonics, Changing Interests, And The Shrinking Size Of U.S. Troops In Europe

by Josef Joffevia Strategika
Friday, September 11, 2020

The Trump drawdown of U.S. troops in Europe is not the end of the alliance, but part of a familiar story. America’s military presence has been contested from Week 1—make that February 4–11, 1945. At Yalta, Franklin D. Roosevelt assured Joseph Stalin that the United States would soon depart from Europe. Its troops—three million at the peak—would all be gone in two years.

Featured Commentary
Featured Commentary

Is It Wise To Pull Out And Redeploy 12,000 U.S. Troops From Germany?

by Angelo M. Codevillavia Strategika
Friday, September 11, 2020

President Trump’s decision to return the U.S 2nd Cavalry Regiment currently stationed in Germany to American soil (6,500 troops), as well as to redeploy mostly Air Force units from Germany to Italy and command headquarters to Belgium and Poland (another 5,600), will have mostly modest positive military consequences and has already benefited America diplomatically. The military consequences are modest because U.S forces in Europe have long since ceased to be potential combatants. 

Featured Commentary

Return Of Forces From Germany?

by Peter R. Mansoorvia Strategika
Friday, September 11, 2020

On September 11, 1944, a patrol led by Staff Sergeant Warner L. Holzinger of Troop B, 85th Reconnaissance Squadron, 5th Armored Division, crossed the Our River from Luxembourg into Germany. Those five soldiers were the vanguard of a mighty Allied force that would within eight months conquer the Third Reich, thereby ending World War II in Europe.

E.g., 10 / 22 / 2020
E.g., 10 / 22 / 2020
Tuesday, January 16, 2018

Issue 47

The State of U.S. Naval Readiness

Background Essay

by Seth Cropsey Tuesday, January 16, 2018
article

Featured Commentary

by Admiral James O. Ellis Jr. Tuesday, January 16, 2018
article
by Admiral Gary Roughead Tuesday, January 16, 2018
article

Related Commentary

by Thomas Donnelly Tuesday, January 16, 2018
article
Wednesday, November 15, 2017

Issue 46

Conventional War Against North Korea

Background Essay

by Michael R. Auslin Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article

Featured Commentary

by Thomas Donnelly Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article
by Miles Maochun Yu Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article

Related Commentary

by Angelo M. Codevilla Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article
by Josef Joffe Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article
by Peter R. Mansoor Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article
by Barry Strauss Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article
by Miles Maochun Yu Wednesday, November 15, 2017
article
by Victor Davis Hanson Thursday, September 28, 2017
article
by Thomas H. Henriksen Thursday, August 24, 2017
article
Thursday, September 28, 2017

Issue 45

The Practice of Principled Realism

Background Essay

by Josef Joffe Thursday, September 28, 2017
article

Featured Commentary

by Robert G. Kaufman Thursday, September 28, 2017
article
by Angelo M. Codevilla Thursday, September 28, 2017
article

Related Commentary

by Bruce Thornton Wednesday, August 30, 2017
article
Tuesday, August 29, 2017

Issue 44

Preemptive Strikes and Preventive Wars

Background Essay

by Williamson Murray Tuesday, August 29, 2017
article

Featured Commentary

by Barry Strauss Tuesday, August 29, 2017
article
by Max Boot Tuesday, August 29, 2017
article

Related Commentary

by Kori Schake Thursday, August 10, 2017
article

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Related Commentary

The Italy Crux

by Angelo M. Codevillavia Strategika
Friday, January 10, 2020

Italy’s people are revolting against a political class that has ruled contrary to the voters’ will since at least 2011. As in Britain and elsewhere in Europe, popular discontent with the ruling class includes its support of migration and its attachment to the EU. Since Italy stretches almost all the way across the Mediterranean and has been the main avenue of migration into the EU since Turkey was induced to close the land route, what happens in Italy will affect the rest of Europe. 

Related Commentary

China In The Mediterranean

by Gordon G. Changvia Strategika
Friday, January 10, 2020

China believes it should rule the world, so of course it thinks it has every right to control the Mediterranean. In a few years, it will do so, if we extrapolate even just a little. Beijing’s dominate-the-Med strategy begins at the water’s edge, where it has embarked on an impressive ports-buying spree.

Featured Commentary

Europe’s Mediterranean Frontier

by Angelo M. Codevillavia Strategika
Friday, December 27, 2019

The Mediterranean abruptly separates Europe’s civilization from those of Africa and the Middle East. On one side, reaching North to Scandinavia and East to the Bering Strait, some seven hundred million mostly prosperous people live according to principles derived from Judeo-Christianity, Greek philosophy, and Roman law. Their number is shrinking. 

Featured Commentary

The Wrong Side Of The Pillars Of Hercules: The Mediterranean Just Doesn’t Matter Much Anymore

by Ralph Petersvia Strategika
Friday, December 27, 2019

The United States is an Atlantic and Pacific power by virtue of geography, strategic necessity, and economic opportunity. A forward defense of the far littorals—Europe and the East-Asian barrier states facing China—is the essential requirement for our security. All else is not only secondary or tertiary, but often an ill-advised and grossly costly drain on our resources.

Background Essay

Is The Mediterranean Still Geo-Strategically Essential?

by Barry Strauss via Strategika
Friday, December 27, 2019

The Mediterranean Sea is today, as it has always been, a crossroads. The name itself testifies to that, as it means “the sea in the middle of the earth,” a Latin term reflecting an earlier Greek belief. We know better, or do we? From Syria to Libya and on the high seas, and with outside players including China, Iran, Russia, and the United States, the Mediterranean has re-emerged of late as a cockpit of conflict. 

Background Essay

Economic Instruments And National Security Goals

by John B. Taylorvia Strategika
Friday, December 20, 2019

In this essay I address the question of whether economic instruments such as tariffs, embargoes, quotas, capital controls, financial sanctions, or asset freezes can achieve national security goals—economic, political, or military—and thereby help avoid international conflict, or even preclude war. The connection between economics and national security is an ancient issue about which people have debated for a long time. Thucydides wrote about the Athenians sending out ships to collect money to finance battles, but the very act of collecting money under force could be counterproductive and lead to war.

Featured Commentary

China: Tariffs, Tweets, and a Telegram

by Gordon G. Changvia Strategika
Friday, December 20, 2019

“Fluff.” That’s what Derek Scissors called the “very substantial phase one deal” President Trump announced on October 11, as Chinese trade negotiators, also in the Oval Office, looked on. Why would the leader of the world’s largest economy agree to an insubstantial arrangement? Scissors, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, gave this explanation to the Washington Post: “because no one in the administration really wants to go through with the tariffs anyway.”

Featured Commentary

The Virtues, Vices, and Limits of Embargoes and Sanctions

by Robert G. Kaufmanvia Strategika
Friday, December 20, 2019

Economic embargoes and targeted sanctions have a long but mixed legacy as tools of statecraft. The first major American attempt to employ sanctions dates back as far as the Embargo Act of 1807, which intended to punish Great Britain and France for interfering with American shipping during the Napoleonic phase of the wars of the French Revolution. Economic sanctions have become increasingly popular as a way of achieving a variety of goals—deterrence, coercion, the protection of human rights, raising the cost of aggression, bolstering allies, virtue-signaling or choosing the least bad means for addressing an international threat when the alternatives of doing nothing or resorting to force appear worse. The United States now employs sanctions of varying comprehensiveness and severity against more than thirty countries and terrorist entities, including Russia, Syria, Iran, Cuba, and North Korea. 

Related Commentary

Mike Pompeo’s View of China

by Christopher R. O'Deavia National Review
Thursday, November 7, 2019
A conversation with the secretary of state, had while looking east from Greece.

The Monroe Doctrine And Current U.S. Foreign Policy

via Strategika
Monday, September 9, 2019

Strategika Issue 60 is now available online. Strategika is an online journal that analyzes ongoing issues of national security in light of conflicts of the past—the efforts of the Military History Working Group of historians, analysts, and military personnel focusing on military history and contemporary conflict.

Pages


The Working Group on the Role of Military History in Contemporary Conflict strives to reaffirm the Hoover Institution's dedication to historical research in light of contemporary challenges, and in particular, reinvigorating the national study of military history as an asset to foster and enhance our national security. Read more.

Is there a military solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

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Strategika is an online journal that analyzes ongoing issues of national security in light of conflicts of the past—the efforts of the Military History Working Group of historians, analysts, and military personnel focusing on military history and contemporary conflict.

Our board of scholars shares no ideological consensus other than a general acknowledgment that human nature is largely unchanging. Consequently, the study of past wars can offer us tragic guidance about present conflicts—a preferable approach to the more popular therapeutic assumption that contemporary efforts to ensure the perfectibility of mankind eventually will lead to eternal peace. New technologies, methodologies, and protocols come and go; the larger tactical and strategic assumptions that guide them remain mostly the same—a fact discernable only through the study of history.

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The opinions expressed in Strategika are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Hoover Institution or Stanford University.