Peter Berkowitz is the Tad and Dianne Taube Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. In 2019-2021, he served as the Director of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff, executive secretary of the department's Commission on Unalienable Rights, and senior adviser to the...
Endowed By The Creator: Ayaan Hirsi Ali And Peter Berkowitz On Our Unalienable Rights
Constitutional Conservatism: Liberty, Self-Government, and Political Moderation by Hoover fellow Peter Berkowitz
Hoover Institution Press released Constitutional Conservatism: Liberty, Self-Government, and Political Moderation, by Peter Berkowitz. Berkowitz contends that constitutional conservatism encompasses a distinguished tradition of defending liberty that stretches from the great eighteenth century British statesman Edmund Burke through the authoritative exposition of the Constitution in The Federalist to the high points of post-World War II American conservatism.
Parsing the State Department Policy Planning Staff’s New China Report with Peter Berkowitz.
What have people meant across the generations when they say, "I believe in America"?
In 1785, James Madison argued in his "Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments" that the bill before the Virginia General Assembly to provide financial support "for teachers of the Christian religion" represented "a dangerous abuse of power."
The Stanford Constitutional Law Center hosted a special two-day conference titled “The Constitution and the World” from Thursday, October 27 to Friday, October 28, 2011. Featured speakers included Hoover fellows Michael McConnell, Peter Berkowitz, Stephen Krasner and Kiron Skinner, who addressed topics including the reach of constitutional rights outside US territory, the potential effect of treaties on constitutional structure and rights, and the effect of globalization and international institutions on sovereignty.
Patrick Deneen’s disdainful review last month in the Washington Post of George Will’s splendid new book, “The Conservative Sensibility,” reasserts fashionable misconceptions about liberalism, conservatism, and America. The review — and, more importantly, the book — provide an occasion to clarify the character of the conservatism that takes its bearings from the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, and from the ideas about human nature and freedom that undergird them.
Perhaps at no time since the decade or so preceding the Civil War have debates about America’s commitment to fundamental rights been as rancorous as today. Yet at no time have fundamental rights in the United States been enjoyed by so wide and diverse a population as they are now. The contrast in contemporary America between the public rancor and the political reality reflects an estrangement from history and an accompanying loss of perspective.
Did the framers of the United States Constitution intend that the Supreme Court be the sole and final interpreter of the Constitution, with the power to place binding decisions on the executive and legislative branches? Or did they intend that the Supreme Court have the final say only on the legal cases that came before it, thus permitting the executive and legislative branches to have wide latitude in interpreting the Constitution for themselves? The former view, that of judicial supremacy, is the dominant view of the Supreme Court today, accepted, for the most part, both within government and in society more generally. Is this view supported by the Constitution? If not, why and when did it arise? Should we support judicial supremacy, or is it time to rein in the Supreme Court?
As required by the Constitution, the president of the United States is elected not by the national popular vote but by the vote of the Electoral College. In the Electoral College, each state receives as many votes as it has members of Congress. Because every state has two senators and is guaranteed at least one House member, votes of small states count more heavily than votes of large states. Has the Electoral College served the nation well? Or should it be abolished and replaced by a system in which every vote counts the same? Peter Robinson speaks with Jack Rakove and Tara Ross
When the Constitution of the United States was ratified in 1789, the infamous "three-fifths clause" gave the southern slaveholding states disproportionate power within the federal government. To what extent did this southern advantage help the southerner Thomas Jefferson win the presidency? And to what extent did Jefferson, author of the phrase "all men are created equal," use the power of his presidency to preserve and perpetuate the institution of slavery?
The former FBI directors tend to investigate Republicans far more zealously than Democrats.
In this wide-ranging conversation, Thiel discusses his politics, his campaign, and the scourge of totalitarian conformism in the United States and abroad; the problem with “following the science”; where President Biden deserves the blame and where he doesn’t; and why cryptocurrency may just save the world.
What happens when South Korean students take a close look at American democracy. By Peter Berkowitz.
Civics education must not be indoctrination, but it also must not be overlooked. By Peter Berkowitz.
Larry Arnn, president of Hillsdale College discusses, with Hoover research fellow Peter Robinson, the Declaration of Independence, the founders, Woodrow Wilson, and the founders of modern liberalism and how they gave more power to government. (45:06)
Terrorists are getting very good at covering their tracks. Their pursuers must become even better at uncovering them. By Katya Drozdova.