Three decades ago, the Soviets invaded Czechoslovakia—and Lyndon Johnson placed a telephone call to Richard Nixon. By Hoover fellow Richard V. Allen.
How Ted Turner lost the Cold War. By Hoover media fellow Helle Bering.
Hoover fellow David Satter recalls the brave, lonely voices who helped topple the Soviet state. SIDEBAR: Soviet Dissident Collections in the Hoover Archives
A founder of the Communist Party of the United States, Jay Lovestone broke with the Soviets—he opposed Stalin to his face—then broke with Marxism itself. Joining the American labor movement, working closely with the CIA, he fought communism for the rest of his life. Hoover archivist Elena Danielson describes Lovestone and his papers.
With the Cold War over and done, the Atlantic alliance has given birth to a new world of peace and prosperity. Yet the Europeans suddenly think ill of us, while we hardly think of them at all. Hoover fellow Dennis L. Bark presents a portrait of postpartum blues.
A photo essay on life after communism. By Cissie Dore Hill.
A decade after Poles regained their freedom, a prominent Polish American, Zbigniew Brzezinski, explains that they never accepted communism in the first place.
If Germany's first attempt at democracy, the Weimar Republic, had proved successful, the Second World War would never have taken place. Now Russia has embarked on its own first attempt at democracy. We dare not let it fail. By Hoover fellow and former Secretary of Defense William J. Perry.
On the 50th anniversary of the death of Joseph Stalin, Hoover fellow Arnold Beichman recalls the atrocities Stalin perpetrated—and the allure he held for craven Western intellectuals.
Harry Milton served with George Orwell in the Spanish Civil War. His papers recall the trauma of opposing Franco’s forces on the battlefield—and of fleeing Stalin’s forces in revolutionary Barcelona. By David Jacobs.
Next time, listen to the generals
Condoleezza Rice weighs America’s failures, successes, and diplomatic challenges yet to come. An interview with Peter Robinson.
A range of breakthrough technologies are emerging today that have the potential to radically change how we fight and deter threats across all conflict domains—air, land, sea, space, and cyber. Artificial intelligence, directed energy, robotics, and machine learning are just a few examples.
Forty-three percent of voters ranked the economy as the top issue in the 2014 midterm election, versus 15% who cited foreign policy. Yet 62% said they were very concerned about terrorism, the largest percentage polled since 2007, before the war turned around in Iraq. So why is the public both concerned and yet not concerned?
A significant portion of our national security establishment, painstakingly built up during the Cold War, has accepted the assumption that when it comes to threats from sovereign states, Russia, not China, is America’s leading adversary. We routinely hear our national leaders speak of Vladimir Putin’s bad behavior in places such as Ukraine and Syria, which further enhances the notion that the most formidable challenge to the preeminence of the U.S. in a post-Cold War world is Moscow, not Beijing.
Following the recent appearances of retired Lieutenant General Michael Flynn at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland and retired General John Allen at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, retired General Martin Dempsey, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, admonished retired senior leaders not to endorse political candidates. “As generals, they have an obligation to uphold our apolitical traditions,” Dempsey wrote. Through the broad sweep of American history, however, the “apolitical traditions” of the military are hardly clear-cut.
Political Islam as Ideology and Movement and How to Contain It.
The Thirty Years’ War in the German states between 1618 and 1648 has been invoked repeatedly in discussing the Syrian conflict, with commentators focusing on the multiple sides in the struggle and the interference by great powers. While those are surface similarities, there have been plenty of multi-sided conflicts and competitive great power interventions. The real lessons we might take to heart are that it’s far easier to get into conflicts that mingle dynastic ambitions, competing faiths, and quarrelsome ethnicities than it is to get out of them; that extended periods of warfare impose disproportionate casualties on civilian populations; and that late entrants have the best chance of winning.
No plague in history spread with the speed of internet disinformation. We live in an age of hyper-charged propaganda, an onslaught of lies more pervasive than any that came before. Over millennia, propaganda changed minds. Today, it changes governments and subverts institutions. And this flood has burst the dams that, for centuries, kept the foulest waters in check.
Every contributor to this special issue of The Caravan dedicated to the memory of Fouad Ajami will have wondered “What would Fouad be thinking of now?”