Republicans have rarely had it so good or found themselves so politically vulnerable.
A man who is in numerous respects the antithesis of moderation has assumed what many see as the most powerful office in the world. Moderation is often regarded as a good thing.
The love of liberty has nourished our nation since before its founding. Yet classical liberalism, which ought to provide common ground for left and right in the United States, is under attack today by prominent elements of both.
The Ten Commandments tell us nothing directly, and little indirectly, about the proper limits of government power. For that we must turn to John Locke.
Labor Day weekend marks the return to school and the beginning of the home stretch of the presidential campaign. The connection is typically overlooked.
A striking correlation exists between the decay of liberal education and the belief that government should push American citizens toward progressivism.
The Constitution blends political ideas into a harmonious whole. Modern partisan warfare, on the other hand, sharpens differences and dulls the harmony, and democracy suffers.
Lessons from the Supreme Court, the Bush administration, and Hillary Clinton.
Secretary of State Michael Pompeo on Monday launched a commission on “unalienable rights” that will help the State Department determine what it considers a universal human right when deciding to commit American support.
The term “moderation” has an antiquated ring. It is rarely heard these days except to mock those who are afraid to offend and eager to please.
For many decades, defenders of liberal education — not only conservatives — have been warning the public about colleges’ and universities’ hostility to free speech. If the warnings are unsound, why has controversy persisted? If they are sound, why hasn’t the problem been corrected?
The debasement of liberal education is a little-discussed but long-standing cause of the much-discussed polarization of our politics.
The divisions among American conservatives have generally been more evident -- certainly to conservatives -- than the principles that might unite them. President Reagan’s two terms are the exception. The pronounced divisions of today are the rule.
Peter Berkowitz identifies the political principles social conservatives and libertarians share, or should share, and sketches the common ground on which they can and should join forces.
Contrasting positions on American exceptionalism go to the heart of what distinguishes the 2016 Republican presidential field from its Democratic counterpart.
As the Republican presidential candidates head into the home stretch of the primary-season-opening Iowa caucuses on Feb. 1, few conservatives are content with the condition of conservatism.
Postmodern Europeans may not like to hear it, but nation-states are still essential to preserving the continent’s culture and safety.
Progressivism marches relentlessly toward its destination: the one true secular kingdom.
Republicans who actually want their party to win the White House next year are increasingly worried.
The president’s quest for even-handedness is misguided and dangerous.