Timothy C. Brown

Timothy Charles Brown


Timothy Charles Brown was a research fellow at the Hoover Institution from 1994 to August 2008.

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Recent Commentary

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A Business Model for Foreign Labor

by Timothy Charles Brownvia Hoover Digest
Tuesday, June 19, 2007

How to tame a vast illegal enterprise, for everyone’s benefit. By Timothy Charles Brown.

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After Fidel

by Timothy Charles Brownvia Hoover Digest
Sunday, April 30, 2006

El Jefe will soon be gone (really). Timothy C. Brown explains how to replace Cuba Revolucionaria with Cuba Capitalista.

The Contras Fight Again

by Timothy Charles Brownvia Hoover Digest
Monday, July 30, 2001

With a critical presidential election approaching in Nicaragua, leftist bureaucrats are attempting to disenfranchise former Contras. By Hoover fellow Timothy C. Brown.

Neglecting Latin America

by Timothy Charles Brownvia Hoover Digest
Sunday, January 30, 2000

Latin America matters more and more to our own interests. So why does our government all but ignore it? By Hoover fellow Timothy Charles Brown.

When the AK-47s Fall Silent: Revolutionaries, Guerrillas, and the Dangers of Peace

by Timothy Charles Brownvia Books by Hoover Fellows
Saturday, January 1, 2000

The majority of Latin American revolutionaries and guerrillas have now laid down their weapons and opted to participate in that region's democratic processes. What brought about this transformation? When the AK-47s Fall Silent brings together for the first time many of these former Latin revolutionaries from both sides of the conflicts—who tell their own stories, in their own words.

Defanging the Cobra

by Timothy Charles Brownvia Hoover Digest
Thursday, October 30, 1997

In Nicaragua, the army and intelligence services remain under the control of former Sandinistas. Hoover fellow Timothy C. Brown argues that President Alemán must change--fast.

Causes of Continuing Conflict in Nicaragua-A View from the Radical Middle

by Timothy Charles Brownvia Analysis
Saturday, April 1, 1995

World attention has wandered but neither the Contra war nor the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua has ended. Promises to former Nicaraguan Democratic Resistance combatants, better known as Contras, of protection and help with restarting their lives have been systematically broken. A second breath granted to the Sandinistas by President Violeta Chamorro has resulted in continuing threats to U.S. interests. Nicaragua, which has often generated political problems for this country, continues to do so because we failed to seize the moment in 1990. Since then $2.1 billion in foreign aid, including more than $1.5 billion in U.S. taxpayer dollars, has bankrolled Nicaraguan retrogression toward a patriarchal, nondemocratic political system. The primary aid beneficiaries, in an uneasy but symbiotic alliance, have been the pro-Chamorro elite and and the Sandinista senior cadre. The resultant political system fits an analytic model centered on identity and ethnicity. The core is dominated by a postcolonial Europeanate global tribe with political values that favor self, family, and private fortune over the nation and the poor. From this perspective recent Nicaraguan history, including the Sandinista Revolution, becomes simply a variant on traditional intraelite rivalries for power, with the peripheral masses, including the United States' erstwhile allies, the big losers. Current U.S. policies reinforce this nondemocratic process. New ones are needed. In addition to real, not minimal, democratization, these should include demilitarization, disarmament, and aggressive observation of the 1996 elections. Current political biases built into U.S. aid should also be reversed, and the Organization of American States' protection for our former allies should be reinforced. It is not too late to recover from the mistakes of 1990.